Nobunaga’s Ambition Realized: Dawn of a New Rising Sun

Tbh — at this point — such a conquest is only bound to become their version of the Imjin War.
Tbf are the Phillippinos that thick on the ground at that point?

Like ik they all quickly switched to Christianity but it's not like the Japanese weren't assimilating natives that're in their control too, and the Magjndanou have control over most of the southern Philippines for much longer than otl. The Japanese have significant allies in the region unlike when they fought Korea, where everyone and their mom fought the Japanese bc a Japanese Korea was in no one's interests except the Japanese.

Is the Phillippines bound to become a problematic colony? Yes, the terrain and resistant groups would make it hard to govern. Would it be bad enough for it to be ungovernable? Probably not.
 
Tbf are the Phillippinos that thick on the ground at that point?

Like ik they all quickly switched to Christianity but it's not like the Japanese weren't assimilating natives that're in their control too, and the Magjndanou have control over most of the southern Philippines for much longer than otl. The Japanese have significant allies in the region unlike when they fought Korea, where everyone and their mom fought the Japanese bc a Japanese Korea was in no one's interests except the Japanese.

Is the Phillippines bound to become a problematic colony? Yes, the terrain and resistant groups would make it hard to govern. Would it be bad enough for it to be ungovernable? Probably not.
I honestly think that the Philippines will end up draining the resources and manpower for Japan with how they're running Luzon like prosecuting the Christian/Catholic natives and the like so... yeah.
 
I honestly think that the Philippines will end up draining the resources and manpower for Japan with how they're running Luzon like prosecuting the Christian/Catholic natives and the like so... yeah.
Yeah it prob be a money sink but if the Japanese take it it'd be for expansion into Borneo and to control the Strait of Malacca, not to make the island profitable for the Japanese for the two islands with their pepper production and control of trade would make them a lot more money than just the Phillippines.

No matter what the Maguindanou will still be Japanese allies until the Japanese reliably control the rest of the Phillippines though.
 
Yeah it prob be a money sink but if the Japanese take it it'd be for expansion into Borneo and to control the Strait of Malacca, not to make the island profitable for the Japanese for the two islands with their pepper production and control of trade would make them a lot more money than just the Phillippines.

No matter what the Maguindanou will still be Japanese allies until the Japanese reliably control the rest of the Phillippines though.
Assuming the Japanese push the Spanish back and take Luzon, and can't see them pushing any further even in the future - Luzon itself will be enough of a headache for the Japanese
 
Assuming the Japanese push the Spanish back and take Luzon, and can't see them pushing any further even in the future - Luzon itself will be enough of a headache for the Japanese
Yeah I don't think the Japanese will do so reliably for a while. They do need it as a way to strengthen their position in SEA though.
 
Yeah it prob be a money sink but if the Japanese take it it'd be for expansion into Borneo and to control the Strait of Malacca, not to make the island profitable for the Japanese for the two islands with their pepper production and control of trade would make them a lot more money than just the Phillippines.

No matter what the Maguindanou will still be Japanese allies until the Japanese reliably control the rest of the Phillippines though.
Yeah I don't think the Japanese will do so reliably for a while. They do need it as a way to strengthen their position in SEA though.
If they plan to expand towards all of SEA it'll piss off Ming China and the other European powers as it'll technically block all trade between them which would need the Japanese permission to go thru their (disputed) waters and leave them with more enemies than just Spain... Also there's already enough islands in the Pacific they colonize and use them as cash crops while still keeping a neutral/good relationship with the rest of the nations.
 
If they plan to expand towards all of SEA it'll piss off Ming China and the other European powers as it'll technically block all trade between them which would need the Japanese permission to go thru their (disputed) waters and leave them with more enemies than just Spain... Also there's already enough islands in the Pacific they colonize and use them as cash crops while still keeping a neutral/good relationship with the rest of the nations.
tbf it'd be really hard for the Japanese to actually do that, but if the Chinese are weak and the Japanese have other allies like the Dutch and English against the Portugese and Spanish Japan control of Borneo at the very least is plausible. Growing cash crops in the pacific islands is a lot more expensive when you factor in shipping costs and the fact that the land area that is available is much smaller too. I do think that it'd happen a lot later (at least after 1700, prob after 1750 as the Ming start to weaken again) and they prob would be less successful than the other European nations: it's still extremely probable that Japan snags something in SEA tho.
 
Honestly having the Dutch & Sweden in a good relationship would be good for England as it'll allow them a few allies against France's growing power/influence in Europe & eventually North America and allow them to diplomatically interact with Japan thru the Dutch.
 
Chapter 81: Luzon War Part I - Tomoyoshi Left To His Own Devices

Chapter 81: Luzon War Part I - Tomoyoshi Left To His Own Devices


News of the fall of Lingayen quickly reached the capital of Luson province, Awari, and the ears of longtime provincial governor Kanbe Tomoyoshi. Ever since the breakout of war between his brother and his nephew, he had withdrawn from Azuchi politics and entered a sort of semi-retirement, leaving more and more affairs in the province to his 25 year old son and heir Tomozane (神戸朝実). Renewed conflict with the Spanish, brought him out of semi-retirement as he quickly took charge of the situation. Tomoyoshi would send messengers to Azuchi as well as to the governors of Bireizen and Bireigo, Wakamatsu Tomohide (若松具秀) [1] and Tarui Norishige respectively. He also sent letters to the French and Dutch East India Companies as well as the Maguindanao Sultanate, asking for their assistance. Tomoyoshi would stay in Awari for the time being, charging Tomozane with the task of mobilizing an army against the Spanish. Tomozane would not only gather troops from the retinues of the Kanbe clan and subordinate lords in Luson but also draw men from the autonomous highland tribes and levy native and Japanese infantry from the lowlands. Within 2 months, Tomozane had marched into the Cagayan Valley, now leading a field army of 12,000.

Meanwhile, the Spanish focused their efforts on taking Pangasinan, the region with the highest percentage of pro-Manila natives, and planned on using the area as a launchpad to reconquer the rest of Japanese Luzon. After capturing Lingayen, bands of Filipino soldiers and loyalist natives scattered across the forests and villages, sweeping through the region. However, they encountered unexpected resistance from Lusonese Muslims, who had emerged as a significant community in the region. These Muslims would assist the local lord, Kashiwabara Yoshinao (柏原吉直), in combating the enemy. However, Yorihiro did not have enough men to fight the enemy bands who utilized hit and run tactics to harass Yorihiro’s men. The Kashiwabara lord was ultimately forced to retreat, leaving much of Pangasinan to the Filipino-Spanish forces. Meanwhile, governor-general Sabiniano Manrique de Lara was gathering an army not only consisting of mercenaries and native levies but also of the elite, heavily armored conquistadors that would act as the main muscle of the invasion force. Without the Philippines also combating the Maguindanao Sultanate to the south for the time being, Manila was able to gather the invasion force swiftly. De Lara also prepared his navy and awaited reinforcements from Madrid itself.

Unfortunately for Tomoyoshi, he would not get all the support he hoped to receive. The French and Dutch would decline to get involved in the new conflict between Spain and Japan, the former only just establishing a presence in Asia recently and the latter dealing with internal strife between the Orangist and Republican factions after the death of William II, the Prince of Orange, in 1650. The Maguindanao sultanate was divided on whether to enter the war as Japan did not promise support for territorial gains. Meanwhile, Azuchi would give less support than expected. However, the Kyushu tandai, Shimazu Norihisa, would be commanded to send troops to Luson. Additionally, the Mōri clan as well as the governors of Bireitō would send men. Finally, the Iriebashi squadron of the Azuchi navy would bolster the naval defenses of Luson. Its admiral was none other than Zheng Zhilong’s son Zheng Chenggong, better known in Japan as Tagawa Seikou (田川成功). Seikou was half-Japanese and therefore not only inherited all of his father’s Chinese connections but also was readily more accepted among high Japanese society. As a result, he had been able to rise through the ranks of the Azuchi navy and eventually become one of the most powerful individuals in Bireitō.​

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Statue of Tagawa Seikou​

Before reinforcements could arrive, the military preparations Tomoyoshi had built up over the years in anticipation of renewed conflict with Spain would be tested. The army Tomozane commanded, although small in comparison to the armies present in the home islands, was diverse, well-trained, and experienced. As a result, the initial Spanish strategy was to avoid open battle at all costs and instead employ guerrilla tactics in deep brush and in the jungles, as the Spanish and Filipinos feared the might of the Japanese samurai on the battlefield. Because of this precaution and tactical strategy, Tomozane’s army faced waves of hit and run sorties as it marched southwards through the Cagayan Valley. This not only inflicted casualties but threatened his supply lines and depleted his provisions as many of these raids saw said provisions stolen or trampled. The march southwards was slowed considerably as a result. Nevertheless, Tomozane persevered and continued onwards. Seeing his undeterred progress, Manila finally decided to switch their plans up and send a proper field army to engage with the Japanese. Juan Manuel de la Pena Bonifaz led an army out of Manila in late August and would be joined by many of the marauding native companies in Pangasinan. In total, he commanded 15,000 men, 5,000 of which were elite Spanish soldiers. Pena Bonifaz would face off against Tomozane’s army on September 22nd at Pantabangan near Lake Pantabangan. Tomozane had a depleted army of 10,000 low on provisions but nevertheless strong in spirit. It was made up of 6,000 samurai, 500 skirmishers from the mountain tribes ,and 3,500 Lusonese musketeers and spearmen. Most of the samurai were on the wings, whereas most of the non-Japanese troops were concentrated in the center. The Pantabangan River separated the two sides.​

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Salmon = Japanese, Blue = Filipino-Spanish​

The Spanish army started the battle, approaching the riverbank and firing their heavy guns and arquebuses from across the river. Initially, the Japanese suffered more losses. However, Tomozane ordered the mountain skirmishers to the front and had them shower arrows upon the Spanish center. Meanwhile, conquistadors and mounted samurai clashed on the northern bridge and fought for control. Further south, however, both sides exchanged some fire but little occurred otherwise due to the concerns of the conquistadors and samurai that their armor would drag them towards a watery death in the Pantabangan. Eventually, Tomozane was forced to retreat due to his army’s disadvantage in firepower, although he only suffered moderate casualties. Nevertheless, the outcome was a Spanish victory and the Japanese were pinned down, preventing them from retaking Pangasinan from the Spanish. However, the battle didn’t decisively change the balance of power and it would take influxes of reinforcements on both sides for that to even be a possibility.

[1]: In 1649, Wakamatsu Tadahide died without any sons. His cousin and a younger brother of Kitabatake Takanaga, Tomotame (北畠具為), changed his name and became the new governor of Bireizen.​
 
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This battle in Luzon does bode well for Japan and Japanese Luzon. The Luzonese are still holding on, and they just need to fight until the Japanese finishes with the civil war and sends an army to fight the Spanish.
 
One butterfly that I would like to see ITTL is the survival of the Spanish crown prince Baltasar Carlos, the only legitimate son of Philip IV until his untimely death at the age of 16 in 1646.
 
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Chapter 82: Manji War Part II - Intraclan Strife and the Rising of Ronin

Chapter 82: Manji War Part II - Intraclan Strife and the Rising of Ronin


After Date Norimune passed away in 1658, he was succeeded by his 6th son, Tsugumune. Unlike his father, Tsugumune was an ineffective lord, known for his alcoholism and unrestrained love of women. He displayed such unacceptable behavior not only in his domains but also in Azuchi. Eventually, Tsugumune’s actions became so scandalous that his vassals and relatives jointly petitioned the Sangi-shu to intervene and order their lord’s very early retirement in favor of his infant son, Kamechiyomaru (亀千代丸). Toshishige and the Sangi-shu accepted this proposition and in early 1660, while Tsugumune was in Azuchi himself, he was put under house arrest and forced to sign off on his retirement in favor of his son as the new lord. Tamura Muneyoshi and Tsugumune’s uncle, Munekatsu (伊達宗勝) were named the new regents of the infant lord and all seemed stable within the Date clan. However, Munekatsu who unlike his co-regent was in Yonezawa rather than on campaign quickly proved to an incompetent and greedy governor [1] and by the middle of spring 1660, pressure mounted upon Muneyoshi to leave the Chinjufu shogun’s army and clean up the mess in the Date clan. The commander of the Date forces eventually bowed to the wishes of his many supporters and returned to Yonezawa, leaving command to another uncle, Date Munezane (伊達宗実). Munezane, however, would prove to be less capable than Muneyoshi and unprepared for the Date discord to come as it came to also affect his own men on campaign.​

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Portrait of Date Tsugumune​

The observant Tomoaki would take advantage of this situation and assign one of his spies operating in the Oshu region to approach Date Muneshige (伊達宗重), promising to back the latter as Munekatsu’s replacement as regent in return for the clan switching sides in the civil war in favor of the rebels. At the same time, his agents caused discord and plunged morale among the Date ranks in the Chinjufu army by spreading exaggerated rumors of intraclan turmoil, injecting anxiety in the enemy’s minds. Tomoaki’s psychological warfare took time to take its toll, and throughout the late winter and early spring, his forces were on the defensive as they continued to lose ground to Sakuma Moritora’s army in Echigo province. However, with Muneyoshi’s absence, the Date contingent with Moritora began to succumb to the manufactured discord and the clan’s problems at home and became a weak link that Moritora began to pay extra attention to. As a result, he was unable to march onto Kasugayama Castle. Tomoaki seized upon this delay and sent reinforcements to the struggling Sassa army.

Soon afterwards, it all fell apart for the Date. Muneshige orchestrated the assassination of Munekatsu before Muneyoshi could return and resolve the situation in Yonezawa and proceeded to become Kamechiyomaru’s new de facto regent. This triggered what would be known as the “Date Disturbance” [1] that saw the clan get caught up in a cycle of political division and violence that would not be resolved until the end of the wider civil war due to Azuchi’s inability to intervene and resolve the situation. Although during this period Muneshige would be unsuccessful in switching the clan’s allegiances in favor of Tomoaki, the internal strife effectively ended their involvement in the Manji War. Upon hearing the news of the outbreak of strife within their clan, the Date contingent fell into disarray with the violence and division spreading into their own camp. Eventually, Munezane along with the majority of the troops went home while others deserted the clan, some even defecting to Tomoaki. These events not only weakened and destabilized Sakuma Moritora’s ranks but also kicked off a series of risings by groups of ronin throughout the Oshu region, who sought to take advantage of the instability in the realm and in the Date clan. The disorganized ronin groups were mostly motivated by a desire to regain what they had lost, although some did genuinely support Tomoaki. Whatever their motives, they proved to be yet another problem for the war effort by the Chinjufu shogun who now was forced to divide attention between two different theaters. He ended up using his shogunal military authority to order the local daimyo to suppress the ronin groups but was deprived of much-desired reinforcements to Echigo province. Due to these circumstances, he was reduced to engaging the enemy in small-scale battles, raids, and sieges rather than major campaigns.

Bands of unemployed ronin would also rise in 1660 in response to Oda Tomoaki’s rebellion in the Kanto region. In contrast to their northerly counterparts, however, they were more well-organized and more committed to participating in the rebellion as opposed to the more scattered Oshu ronin who saw Tomoaki’s rising against Azuchi from a more opportunistic lens as a means to regain former lands. These ronin were also mostly former Hojo retainers or the children of former Hojo retainers who either did not become independent lords or decide to serve Oota Nobufusa in Izu province. The unity was further aided by Nobufusa’s successor Sukefusa’s (太田資房) decision to join the rebellion, providing a banner for ex-Hojo ronin to rally under. Many minor lords of former Hojo allegiance also joined the rebellion on Tomoaki’s side through the influence of Sukefusa. They along with the ronin prevented the Murai and Musashino clans from immediately overwhelming Izu province as they provided enough of a disruptive distraction in Musashi province to divert manpower away from the pro-Azuchi force’s main target. Under the orders of Sakuma Moritora, however, Satake Yoshitaka ordered his clan’s forces to attack the minor lord’s fiefs, which were mostly concentrated in Shimousa province. This gave the forces of Musashino Toshinao and Murai Munemasa (村井宗昌) the breathing room necessary to sufficiently push back Sukefusa’s efforts to capture Odawara Castle. Like other theaters in the war, the Kanto theater could be summarized as a stalemate marked by attrition, skirmishes, and sieges with the rebels at a distinct disadvantage.​

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Japanese print of a wounded ronin driven by his dedication towards his love​

The rising of ronin largely in favor of Tomoaki for various reasons, the triggering of the Date Disturbance, and the commencement of the Luzon War breathed new life into Tomoaki’s beleaguered men and allies. For the moment, Moritora was too distracted to effectively deal the killing blow to the rebellion that had seemed to be possibly just around the corner earlier on. Most importantly, the persistence of the rebellion due to said factors gave Tokugawa Noriyasu the time he needed to overcome the heavy resistance in Kiyosu Castle and other strongholds in Owari province through force, diplomacy, and espionage. By the beginning of the summer, they had largely fallen thanks not only to Tokugawa strength but also key defections by local lords. Noriyasu proceeded to confront an army composed of Mino, Owari, and Shinano samurai led by Gifu castle lord Kitabatake Nagamasa (北畠長政) [2], defeating it at Kiso River (木曽川) and driving Nagamasa into the city. He now began his siege of Gifu Castle, and with Azuchi’s forces preoccupied in Settsu and Iga provinces and the Shibata army in Etchu province, it looked like the rebellion was one step closer to achieving its first main objective.

[1]: IOTL, the Date Disturbance happened. ITTL, it manifests directly within the context of the civil war in contrast to OTL.

[2]: Usually, the lord of Gifu Castle is the Oda heir. Since there really is no heir, Konoe Toshishige picked Kitabatake Takanaga’s second son as its lord.​
 
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@Ambassador Huntsman , great narrative as always!
Thank you!!
Wow - does that mean that in Japan there was a narrative similar to a courtly novel?
Anecdotes and tales do pop up ITTL but this isn’t a reference to anything specific, I’m just getting creative with the pictures I have. The longer this TL goes, the more difficult it’s gonna progressively get to find good illustrations accurate to TTL and its differences with OTL.
 
Tomoaki sure gets a lot of luck on his side for something that should've been doomed from the start. And between this internal war and the new war with Spain, it seems like the stability and peace of the OTL Edo period is quite butterflied. I do wonder how that would effect Japan given how important the peace was to economic and cultural developments. Different path to broadly similar results maybe? France in this time period proves you can be cultured and economically developed while always being at war with your neighbors.
Thank you!!

Anecdotes and tales do pop up ITTL but this isn’t a reference to anything specific, I’m just getting creative with the pictures I have. The longer this TL goes, the more difficult it’s gonna progressively get to find good illustrations accurate to TTL and its differences with OTL.
AI art might be an option. Certain free sites (or limited per day) can do traditional Japanese art like ukiyo-e prints. The quality is definitely not the best compared to actual art, but it's probably suitable for a TL like this.
 
Chapter 83: Military Tactics and Technology from Unification To the Manji War

Chapter 83: Military Tactics and Technology from Unification To the Manji War


The evolution of the tactics and weaponry of Japan’s samurai armies in the 16th and 17th centuries was convergent to that of Europe. Both being feudal societies in medieval times with a specialized warrior class, their armies incorporated large numbers of common infantry wielding long spears in pike formations at the dawn of the early modern period. Eventually, these infantry units would increasingly adopt gunpowder weapons, starting with the matchlock and arquebus, as their primary if not sole weapon, reducing the significance of melee weapons like swords and spears as well as that of mounted warriors. These changes would also make European and Japanese armies less feudal and more professional and mass-based. The convergent evolutionary trends in such far-flung regions can be attributed to not only their earlier warrior class feudalism but also the constant state of warfare they were both in in the 16th century in particular, albeit for different reasons. Nevertheless, the military tactics, traditions, and technology of Japan was certainly unique and distinct and would remain so even with slight Western influence.
Infantry

The shift of ashigaru weaponry from melee weapons to range-based gunpowder weapons continued unabated and by 1600, the Japanese realm possessed the most guns in the world. Towards the end of the unification wars, as many as one-fourth of all troops were arquebusiers. After the unification wars, however, 48 years of peace followed which saw the demobilization of the mass armies that defined the late Sengoku period and the confiscation of weapons from the peasantry. Nevertheless, clans continued to train and keep a reserve of ashigaru alongside their samurai retinues. Ironically, the long peace and demobilization would accelerate the switch to arquebuses and matchlocks as they were much easier to train newly levied men with as opposed to swords and spears, which required more long-term skill and training. Another factor that contributed was the fact that Azuchi and the samurai clans consciously chose to increase the share of arquebusiers in response to fighting a technologically advanced enemy in the form of the Spanish and Portuguese. In fact, mass formations of yari ashigaru would see their last usage in the Furuwatari War, particularly by the Hojo and other rebellious clans in the Kanto and Oshu regions who lacked the same consistent interactions with foreign merchants, who mainly operated in western Japan, and their goods, knowledge, and technology. Those formations would afterwards be regarded as obsolete, especially with the knowledge of the state of warfare in Europe. By this time, archers had also completely disappeared from samurai armies, although they maintained their historic prestige and continued to be for ceremonial, martial, and hunting purposes.

Replacing them would be combined arms formations influenced by both contemporary samurai warfare and new European tactics. Infantry lines mixed arquebusiers, yari ashigaru, and blade-wielding samurai in succeeding lines. This formation had begun to emerge in the Iberian-Japanese and Furuwatari Wars but did not displace older formations until the 1640s through the Kanei reforms and the standardization of the newly established regional standing armies. The emergence of combined arms warfare in Japan also saw the final disappearance of standing shields in samurai warfare, already gradually becoming obsolete with the advent of arquebuses. These formations instead would incorporate the line infantry marching tactics of the Franco-Dutch and Swedish armies used in the Imperial Liberties’ War, the Franco-Spanish War, and the Dutch War of Independence. The strength of the new combined arms formations was that they had a high degree of flexibility, being able to quickly engage in melee combat in forested areas or in instances of close confrontation. Their lethality would also be increased by the gradual adoption of more advanced muskets like flintlocks.​

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17th century drawing of the arquebusier​

During the Manji War, Oda Tomoaki would take it a step further and utilize line infantry tactics to their greatest extent, retaining an elite unit of flintlock-equipped musketeers focused on rapid fire tactics. Instead of being supported by yari ashigaru and blade-wielding samurai, these elite units were trained to immediately switch to melee combat if charged using swords and the butts of their muskets. These units, unlike the average musket ashigaru, were mostly made up of middle and high-ranking samurai and were fully armored.
Cavalry

Samurai cavalry would change little in terms of their equipment and tactics through the 16th and 17th centuries. The biggest change was the increased incorporation of the bajouzutsu in combat. During the Sengoku period, samurai cavalry were of three different types: mounted infantry, medium cavalry, and heavy cavalry. The first cavalry type would fade away with the increased importance of ashigaru and mass armies in the home islands. However, they would continue to exist in Bireitō and Luson, where the large swaths of jungle made the use of cavalry-specific tactics less common than in the home islands. Similar to during the Sengoku period, medium cavalry remained more prevalent in western Japan while heavy cavalry was more common in eastern Japan. Medium cavalry, which primarily wielded swords and bajouzutsu and focused on skirmishing and flanking maneuvers, would also predominate in armies in Bireitō and Luson. So-called heavy cavalry, which specialized in frontal charges and always used the spear as the primary weapon rather than their sword or bajouzutsu that they still equipped, would however form the core of the Konoe Cavalry, Azuchi’s elite cavalry force made up of young samurai and nobles. Sakuma Moritora’s elite core of samurai were themselves heavy cavalry, with the Chinjufu shogun himself famously leading cavalry charges.​

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Depiction of cavalry from the Budou-geijutsu-hidenzue (武道藝術秘傳圖會) manual​
Artillery

Unlike Europe, cannons did not see widespread adoption in Japan especially in field battles. This would change somewhat in the 17th century after the development of the Azuchi navy had increased Japanese familiarity with European-style cannons. The Iberian-Japanese and Furuwatari Wars would see the introduction of field guns that would prove crucial for Azuchi’s victories in those two wars. Japanese armies preferred to use smaller guns like demi-culverins rather than the larger culverins and demi-cannons due to the mountainous and forested terrains of the home islands and Luson. They were also easier to use during sieges against castles, although in many cases the terrain made their usage difficult if not impossible. Rather, muzzle-loading hand cannons and breech-loading swivel guns as well as smaller cannon pieces like the saker were most often used against castles and other fortifications during this time. The former two were also used extensively by the besieged. Many castles were perfectly designed to incorporate the strengths of these pieces being that many of them were already designed to maximize the lethality of arquebuses
Bireitō and Luson

Being overseas provinces in the tropics host to large populations of indigenous peoples, samurai tactics and fighting styles in Bireizen and Bireigo on the island of Bireitō as well as Luson diverged from those seen in the home islands to adapt properly in these new lands. Towards the end of the 16th century, the katana (刀) began to replace the longer and more curved tachi (太刀) as the primary sword used when fighting on foot and carried around in civilian everyday functions in the home islands, although the tachi would continue in use among samurai cavalry units and for ceremonial purposes by high-ranking samurai and the nobility. However, the tachi would continue on as the signature melee weapon in the overseas provinces, especially in forested areas and smaller open clearings. This was due to the militaries there relying more on heavy samurai infantry rather than ashigaru masses or cavalry because of the terrain, the nature of the foes they faced, and absence of a native Japanese peasant population. Wakizashis (脇差) were also more heavily utilized in close combat situations as well, as were bajouzutsus and arquebuses.​

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Tachi of Oda Tadataka, governor of Bireitō and commander-in-chief of land forces in the Iberian-Japanese War​

Commonly filling the role of the ashigaru were the Chinese colonists in Bireitō and the indigenous Lusonese in the lowlands of Luson, both generally wearing traditional Japanese armor except for the jingasa hat (陣笠). These levies, however, were not as well trained as their Japanese counterparts due to their lower utility and smaller amount of open plains where ashigaru masses were most ideal. By contrast, troops from the Bireitoan aborigines and the Luson highlands were employed more frequently, serving as light skirmishers and archers in their traditional styles. The Bireitoan elite, however, were fully trained in the samurai fighting style and integrated in the Bireitoan military apparatus as such. Additionally, the retinue of the Zheng clan was militarily distinct from everyone else, wearing Ming armor and wielding yao swords and spears although they did use Japanese firearms. These non-Japanese auxiliaries further distinguished the militaries of Bireitō and Luson from that of the home islands.​
 
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