Really hoping that their heir is named John for Maria's brother, in spite of the stigma with John Lackland, after all John of gaunt also got that name.
John II of England gains a reputation like Emperor John II "The Beautiful" Komnenos. A successful king known for his piety, generosity, and skill in the battlefield.
 
Hey @Averious, will you do the occasional artwork/character models for our key characters throughout the story? I remember you doing that for the Grypas Imperial House in The Eagle of the East, Rhomania: An Eastern Roman Timeline by using CK3. I know AI is being used by a lot of authors on AH, myself included, allows for detail to be added that your average google search for a portrait can't convey.
 
@Averious ! YES! Edward the Black Prince not only got an Imperial bride but she got a proof of his greatness: his finest hour: Poitiers.

Really hope little margaret becomes John's heir bride too.

Hope that little ones arrive soon enough for maria and edward!
Great chapter, interesting contrast between John (more Latin minded) and Maria (more Roman minded). I suspect the iron willed Maria will make both friends and enemies with her personality, especially if her children gain her character. Nice that Edward showed his true intentions and graced Maria with a grand victory upon the battlefield. Can't wait to see how the Habsburgs rise to power. Keep up the great work 👍 👍 👍
I read on Wikipedia that he oversaw the building of the Mosque-Madrasa of Sultan Hasan, apparently he got the funding by appropriating property from victims of the Black Death. Safe to say we won't have such a building TTL. He apparently oversaw many great works during his time as Sultan.
Probably around 1358-1360 we'll see young children arrive for Maria and Edward.
Really hoping that their heir is named John for Maria's brother, in spite of the stigma with John Lackland, after all John of gaunt also got that name.
John II of England gains a reputation like Emperor John II "The Beautiful" Komnenos. A successful king known for his piety, generosity, and skill in the battlefield.
Hey @Averious, will you do the occasional artwork/character models for our key characters throughout the story? I remember you doing that for the Grypas Imperial House in The Eagle of the East, Rhomania: An Eastern Roman Timeline by using CK3. I know AI is being used by a lot of authors on AH, myself included, allows for detail to be added that your average google search for a portrait can't convey.
Great chapter, interesting contrast between John (more Latin minded) and Maria (more Roman minded). I suspect the iron willed Maria will make both friends and enemies with her personality, especially if her children gain her character. Nice that Edward showed his true intentions and graced Maria with a grand victory upon the battlefield. Can't wait to see how the Habsburgs rise to power. Keep up the great work 👍 👍 👍
I read on Wikipedia that he oversaw the building of the Mosque-Madrasa of Sultan Hasan, apparently he got the funding by appropriating property from victims of the Black Death. Safe to say we won't have such a building TTL. He apparently oversaw many great works during his time as Sultan.
Great chapter, interesting contrast between John (more Latin minded) and Maria (more Roman minded). I suspect the iron willed Maria will make both friends and enemies with her personality, especially if her children gain her character. Nice that Edward showed his true intentions and graced Maria with a grand victory upon the battlefield. Can't wait to see how the Habsburgs rise to power. Keep up the great work 👍 👍 👍
I read on Wikipedia that he oversaw the building of the Mosque-Madrasa of Sultan Hasan, apparently he got the funding by appropriating property from victims of the Black Death. Safe to say we won't have such a building TTL. He apparently oversaw many great works during his time as Sultan.
It’ll definitely be fun to write!

And all at the expense of others, and things that came before—I felt it fair to use my author’s power just this once to veto the Sultan’s right to exist 🤣

As for having the firstborn be John instead of Edward as OTL? Kinda torn—my usual handling is to simply continue the naming, but considering it’s technically a new character? I just might, we’ll see.

In terms of art? I’ll probably boot back up CK3 again (been a while) and use that—I don’t really enjoy A.I images personally.
 
"You'd have me marry some Saxon barbarian?!" Maria pressed, looking towards her brother, the Emperor and Autocrat of the Romans, with a hazel-brown gaze that spoke of indignance.

He had, after all, been the one to dissuade their noble father from organising for her a marriage of 'convenience'--at her begging; now he did this? Put her aside, for a similar 'convenience'?

John's own blue-eyed gaze met hers, and in it she saw the twisting of a brother at war with the spider that was the Emperor.

The Emperor eased himself from his seat so they both stood there, in the Boukoleon courtyard; he had come here for peace, but in truth it had been in part an attempt to avoid her.

He was tall, taking inherently after their mother more than their father; copper-red hair, fairer skin, and blue eyes were his--Maria had inherited their father's darker complexions in eyes, hair and skin.

She was the Roman, he the Latin.

"Father is dead Maria," John pressed, cutting clean through the issue, and striking her silent, "Here isn't safe, not with the tides coming, and I'd rather you be safe, and away, in the arms of a man of merit than be forced later to marry you off here," the Emperor explained, before letting a sigh leave him.

Maria noticed then, as he traced a hand through his beard, that he was older than her now--not just as he had been, by a scant few years, but by rule; he had changed.

"You are not a piece to move around on some lesser board; this isn't a 'convenience'--it is a powerplay, and one which puts you as a Queen-to-be in your own right as you deserve,"

A silence held, and Maria looked away with a sigh of her own, before finally speaking, "Is he a good man?" was all she asked, and in that John eased back, and away--towards a small side table, covered in letters, and writing materials.

Even here--this place of peace, he had the tools of rule glued to him--never truly at 'peace'.

A beat later, and he handed her a letter, "See for yourself,"


1356 to 1357

The early year of 1356 had been encapsulated by much in the way of preparations; his sister deserved the best was the mindset of the Emperor, and with her, when she finally departed from the shores of Constantinople for Montferrat, went a hand-picked guard, her favourite priest, several gifts, and money for herself.

Maria Palaiologina had left Rome in March of 1356, never to return.

Her journey took her to Montferrat, where John II Palaeologus-Montferrat welcomed her with appropriate pomp and familial care; John V having ensured as such via letter, and accompanying 'donation'. Her time there while brief, would serve as an introduction to a more closely 'Latin' way of life than she had experienced, even with the influences her mother had left her.

It was thus that when she departed from the lands of her kin by ship once more, thereafter landing in the Gascony-oriented port-city of Narbonne wherein she would meet, for the first time, Edward of Woodstock; the Black Prince, in April of 1356.

Her husband-to-be.

Edward cut a dashing figure--one which, in its own way, reminded her of her brother.

Thereafter, with Edward leading the way, the two would make for the river Garonne; taking travel by river-ships directly from Edward's fief city of Bordeaux, to Bordeaux. It was a pleasant enough journey, and one in which the two would get to know each other well; his character in his own letters to her brother showed to be truthful, as did his reputation as a whole.

Of course, upon their arrival in Bordeaux late that April there was pomp; enough so that for the first time it finally clicked for her what it meant to be a future Queen, alongside how prized she was as the daughter and sister of Emperors.

By June, after months of journeying, and spending time together, the two would be married in England--within the Chapel of St. Nicholas of Windsor Castle, and therefrom would bonds of dynastic kinship be formed that still exist into the modern age.

Even as this went on, so did other changes in Europe.

In Germany, as Charles IV, Holy Roman Emperor, rallied the princes of the realm in a diet at Nuremberg, the merchants of the north would begin to meet in droves first the first time; establishing what would evolve into the Hanseatic League.

By August the newly-wed Edward the Black Prince, and his bride would return to Bordeaux, and from there, in September, the Black Prince would lead a stunning victory, outnumbered, against the French at Poitiers; shattering the French army, and capturing as hostages the King of France himself, John II, alongside his youngest son Philip.

Thereafter the two would be afforded chivalric honour, and sent to treat with Edward III in England in what would evolve into an ongoing issue... as John II's heir, the Dauphin Charles, would continue to resist the English as 'Regent of France' thereafter.

The fact that the effects of the Death still clung on, with regular wage-riots, and banditry, across the Known World, but especially in France, made things all the harder for the English, who had to contend with both Charles' armies and the duties of subduing these 'effects' in the land they administered on the continent.

That December 1356, the diet of Charles IV would end in the Golden Bull of 1356--effectively the constitution of the Holy Roman Empire; defining several key notions around the Electors, and in equal measure bringing stability and strife in confirming the privileges of some, alienating others [1], and consolidating the Imperial Power around Germany and it's Princes.

Italy had, in all but name, been cut loose.

In Cairo, around this time, Bahri Sultan An-Nasir Hasan would die suddenly of a stroke following orders given to deface the Great Pyramid of Giza; his orders would not be completed.

Come February of 1357 the Estates General of France would convene; attempting to capitalise on the loss of John II to the English, and the Dauphin Charles' hamstringing as 'Regent', to lessen the powers of the King at their own gain--angling to achieve similar Baronial Powers over fiscal & monetary matters as plagued the English.

Of course, this would go nowhere, but it did in its way cause further strife and disunity within the remaining lands of the Kingdom of France itself.

In 1357 too would the Shroud of Turin first be exhibited by the clergy of France, although it was quickly denounced as a fraud; with Maria Palaiologina in particular incensed at this, as the Shroud itself had been stolen from Constantinople in the 4th Crusade.

1357 would end with the Treaty of Berwick, which put an end to Scotland's own wars with the English for now.
---
[1] The Golden Bull of 1356 notably refused an Electorate to the Habsburgs, snubbing them, and in turn starting their path to Emperorship themselves with the forging of the Privilegium Maius in retaliation; giving to themselves the status of Archdukes, and the right of primogeniture.

fantastic chapter, very real the discussion between Maria and John, regarding his marriage, I could really feel his anxiety and fear about it and at the same time the emotional conflict that raged in the Basileus, I am happy for the marriage between Edward and Maria, I hope that are happy, it will be interesting to see how he reacts to Anglo Norman traditions and Latin politics, a little sad instead regarding the Golden Bull of Charles IV, practically identical to Otl, I hoped that it would meet the will of the Italian Ghibellines, including one of their representatives ( this time too Rex Clericorum disappointed the hopes of the pro-imperial Italians ) but it must however be said that the Golden Bull itself was considered very incomplete ( Charles had deliberately left it like this, because he wanted to get his hands back on it at a later time ) so I can still hope that this modification can happen in the future ( after all, to avoid problems with the Italian states, the emperor will have to go through very long negotiations before deciding what to do, given that any candidate he chooses will create discontent, so it is quite a delicate situation, so I'm still confident )
 
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I have a question like this almost by chance, but in the case of a meeting between a representative of the Empire and an equivalent of the Urbe ( for example Cola di Rienzo or Colonna / Orsini family ) obviously there would be disagreements over which of the two can actually use the name of Roman, but for the rest how the Roman representative would be called ( don't tell me Papalins, please he can't be heard )
 
I have a question like this almost by chance, but in the case of a meeting between a representative of the Empire and an equivalent of the Urbe ( for example Cola di Rienzo or Colonna / Orsini family ) obviously there would be disagreements over which of the two can actually use the name of Roman, but for the rest how the Roman representative would be called ( don't tell me Papalins, please he can't be heard )
They'd likely just be referred to as 'Papists'.
 
Rough Line-Up; Andronikos III & John V (prime age)
This is a very rough line-up using CK3 to achieve a representation of Andronikos III, and John V--alongside a third successor I won't name if only to avoid spoiling things.

I attempted to upload this straight, but the site's limit for size is smaller than I remember, so I've resorted to Imgur.

 
They'd likely just be referred to as 'Papists'.

it's horrendous to hear, it seems to come directly from the English political discourse of the 17th century, wouldn't it be better to use the name by which they are commonly called, that is Romani ( in English Romans ) in relation to the imperial emissaries who call themselves Rhomanois ( after all they are both right to be called that, even if the other party would not like to recognize it willingly )
 
it's horrendous to hear, it seems to come directly from the English political discourse of the 17th century, wouldn't it be better to use the name by which they are commonly called, that is Romani ( in English Romans ) in relation to the imperial emissaries who call themselves Rhomanois ( after all they are both right to be called that, even if the other party would not like to recognize it willingly )
One claims to be Roman by statehood, the other by holding a city—the latter wouldn’t be referred to as Romans, because they serve the Papal cause.

It’d be like calling Americans ‘District of Columbians’.
 
One claims to be Roman by statehood, the other by holding a city—the latter wouldn’t be referred to as Romans, because they serve the Papal cause.

It’d be like calling Americans ‘District of Columbians’.

You're actually wrong, the ( Italian ) Romans, they called themselves that, because it was their identity, simply over the course of centuries, the Roman identity in the region ( Italy ) was reduced to being once again centered on being born and raised in the Urbe and at the same time accept to live under the government of the city bishop ( who became the Pope ) so they would be extremely right to call themselves that ( they are still extremely proud of it, if I went to Rome, both in the present and in the Middle Ages, it is said a random Roman, that he is not a " real Roman " but rather a barbarian, you would end up having to run for your life ( as happened once to Narsete during his years of government in Otl ) following the same process that occurred in other Italian cities, with the only difference that a new collective identity was not created but rather the previous one remained, the Italian identity occurred only much later, but it never supplanted the regional one
 
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You're not actually wrong, the ( Italian ) Romans, they called themselves that, because it was their identity, simply over the course of six centuries, the Roman identity in the region ( Italy ) was reduced to being once again centered on being born and raised in the Urbe and at the same time accept to live under the government of the city bishop ( who became the Pope ) so they would be extremely right to call themselves that ( they are still extremely proud of it, if I went to Rome, both in the present and in the Middle Ages, it is said a random Roman, that he is not a " real Roman " but rather a barbarian, you would end up having to run for your life ( as happened once to Narsete during his years of government in Otl ) following the same process that occurred in other Italian cities, with the only difference that a new collective identity was not created but rather the previous one remained, the Italian identity occurred only much later, but it never supplanted the regional one
The issue isn't a matter of city identity. Being born in Paris makes you Parisian, but you're French because you're a citizen of the French state/nation.

The same holds true here; they may be 'Roman' by birth in the city of Rome (although keep in mind very few actual city-Romans were important in the Papal scheme of things) but they are citizens of the Papal States, and thus Papists or Papalini.

In any documents or conversations that's what'll be used--because the Romans themselves aren't going to use the term 'Constantinopolitan' or (insert Roman city here)ian/an as their names. It'd be Roman v Papist/Papalini.
 
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The issue isn't a matter of city identity. Being born in Paris makes you Parisian, but you're French because you're a citizen of the French state/nation.

The same holds true here; they may be 'Roman' by birth in the city of Rome (although keep in mind very few actual city-Romans were important in the Papal scheme of things) but they are citizens of the Papal States, and thus Papists or Papalini.

In any documents or conversations that's what'll be used--because the Romans themselves aren't going to use the term 'Constantinopolitan' or (insert Roman city here)ian/an as their names. It'd be Roman v Papist/Papalini.

This is another case where we have to agree to disagree, as the whole issue of the papal state is more complex than that, in fact it wasn't even called that until 1815, but rather was known as the State of the Church or Patrimonium Petrii, but in the end it is right, given that it would be normal that in the diplomatic communications of the Empire, underlining their exclusive Roman identity, is possibly going to recognize that another one may exist ( completely independent of Constantinople ) would be a political faux pas, so it seems correct to me that when referring to the Western Romans, the Paleologos use the term " Papalins ", but then they shouldn't get angryb/ surprised if out of spite they are defined as " Greeks " by the exponents of the ruling class of the Urbe ( which is something totally different from the pontifical political class, given that several times the two sides were in profound opposition )
 
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This is another case where we have to agree to disagree, as the whole issue of the papal state is more complex than that, in fact it wasn't even called that until 1815, but rather was known as the State of the Church or Patrimonium Pietrii, but in the end it is right, given that it would be normal that in the diplomatic communications of the Empire, underlining their exclusive Roman identity, is possibly going to recognize that another one may exist ( completely independent of Constantinople ) would be a political faux pas, so it seems correct to me that when referring to the Western Romans, the Paleologos use the term " Papalins ", but then they shouldn't get angryb/ surprised if out of spite they are defined as " Greeks " by the exponents of the ruling class of the Urbe ( which is something totally different from the pontifical political class, given that several times the two sides were in profound opposition )
To clarify; Papal States is a perfectly fine simplification to use in a debate—because it simply underlines the point that they’re citizens of the lands beholden to the Papacy—added, the ‘Romans’ of the city of Rome have no actual Roman identity at this point, not one equivalent to the ‘Eastern Romans’—they’re citizens of the city of Rome, not ‘Romans’ in the cultural Imperial.

At this point they have far—far—more in common with their Umbrian surroundings than ‘Classical’ Roman, let alone ‘Eastern’ Roman.

To refer to them as ‘Western Romans’ affords them a label with implications that don’t match up with their culture or political notions.

As for the Papists deriding the Romans as ‘Greeks’? They did they anyway, so it doesn’t matter.
 
To clarify; Papal States is a perfectly fine simplification to use in a debate—because it simply underlines the point that they’re citizens of the lands beholden to the Papacy—added, the ‘Romans’ of the city of Rome have no actual Roman identity at this point, not one equivalent to the ‘Eastern Romans’—they’re citizens of the city of Rome, not ‘Romans’ in the cultural Imperial.

At this point they have far—far—more in common with their Umbrian surroundings than ‘Classical’ Roman, let alone ‘Eastern’ Roman.

To refer to them as ‘Western Romans’ affords them a label with implications that don’t match up with their culture or political notions.

As for the Papists deriding the Romans as ‘Greeks’? They did they anyway, so it doesn’t matter.


I partially agree with you, but I still believe that not recognizing the Roman identity of the inhabitants of the Urbe and the surrounding countryside ( and there are countless sources that affirm this, even some practices are identical, only the actors and the place change ), is an error equal to that of not wanting to accept that Byzantium is literally the Roman State that survived in the East, because Romanitas is not an imperishable monolith, but rather a concept in constant evolution and with multiple nuances, which in some cases can coexist ( Byzantium and the Roman duchy ( later to become the state of the church ) despite having now had a clearly different development, such that it could not be recognized by the two parties ( going as far as defining the other as Papalins or Greek ), so I'm sorry but here we are in two different positions


but I prefer to stop here, I don't want to derail your TL or get caught up in the temptation to take out my book on medieval Rome, but to start reeling off the sources that attest to how Urbe, despite being under Frankish's control, was still firmly attached to the past traditions, also because in medieval Italy belonging to a state ( in the modern sense of the term ) did not exist as a concept, rather one was tied to one's own city, which is why we talk about municipal experiences and then subsequently of Lordships and finally of city - states
 
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I partially agree with you, but I still believe that not recognizing the Roman identity of the inhabitants of the Urbe and the surrounding countryside ( and there are countless sources that affirm this, even some practices are identical, only the actors and the place change ), is an error equal to that of not wanting to accept that Byzantium is literally the Roman State that survived in the East, because Romanitas is not an imperishable monolith, but rather a concept in constant evolution and with multiple nuances, which in some cases can coexist ( Byzantium and the Roman duchy ( later to become the state of the church ) despite having now had a clearly different development, such that it could not be recognized by the two parties ( going as far as defining the other as Papalins or Greek ), so I'm sorry but here we are in two different positions


but I prefer to stop here, I don't want to derail your TL or get caught up in the temptation to take out my book on medieval Rome, but to start reeling off the sources that attest to how Urbe, despite being under Frankish's control, was still firmly attached to the past traditions
Fair enough, thanks for being so interested in the TL that you wanted to have this debate.
 
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