36. Piece of cake #3
“
Mercy is unusual for fate, and if she decided to hit you, it will definitely do it. And the more you resist it, the stronger you get on the head in the end.”
S.Mysanif, ‘Shooter’s third rule’
“They can't think, they can't imagine. Most of them can't even spell. They just run things.”
Douglas Adams, ‘The Hitchhiker's Guide to the Galaxy’
“What the legislative, political, legal and similar institutions do? They correct the evil they have caused.”
P. Y. Chaadaev
“Bureaucracy consists of mercenary ministers, aristocracy consists of idols, and democracy consists of idolaters.”
George Bernard Shaw
“Anarchy always leads to absolutism.”
Napoleon I Bonaparte
“
Freedom gives birth to anarchy, anarchy leads to despotism, and despotism returns to freedom. Millions of creatures died without achieving the triumph of any of these systems.”
Honoré de Balzac, ‘Shagreen leather’
“Anarchy under the monarchy is the best state structure. The monarch must be the guarantor of anarchy.”
Salvador Dali
The confederation Sejm started on schedule, which was a pleasant surprise for the ambassadors involved but it would be too much to expect that it would not turn into the circus.
Descriptions of this historical performance are differ in the details and, while they agree on identity of the main performer, Tadeusz Rejtan, even his portraits (below) are differ (except for the mustaches part). So one can chose a preferred depiction based upon haircut, more or less heroic look or some other principle.
Anyway, there are (at least) two versions of what did happen:
- Version immortalized by Jan Matejko [1] shows Retjan laying on a floor at the entry to the whole where the event will have place (by a rather peculiar flight of a patriotic fantasy Matejko placed the Russian grenadier inside that hall as an allegory of the Russian oppression) offering to step over his, not dead, yet, body. It is not quite clear why it was necessary to bare his chest or why wouldn’t he just stand at the door with a sword (on painting he is laying on it). IMO, this would be much more effective, especially taking into an account that most of the depicted personages are either unarmed or not in a fighting condition. A big, well-armed guy laying on a floor begging “Kill me, pretty please!” looks rather pathetic, IMO, but who am I to prescribe to other how their patriotism must manifest itself. There is probably a technical possibility that he is trying to prevent them from getting out, thus creating a hostages situation, but a desperate crowd could just break through stomping upon him. This interpretation would make sense taking into an a count that there are viewers on a balcony (again, the Russian ambassador; implication that Russia was doing partition alone).
- An alternative version is no less entertaining (IMO): “But just now, the marshals of the crown and Lithuanian confederation entered the meeting hall and the first deputy of Kraków opened the meeting with the announcement of the confederation, as a huge Lithuanian, named Reitan, rose, and began to shout to the whole castle: "Nie pozwolam!" This cry lasted for three days, and the Sejm stopped. When the crown marshal of the confederation, Count Poninsky stood up to knock, according to custom, with a stick to restore order, Reitan grabbed another stick and, standing in the marshal's place, shouted: "I am the marshal myself and can be as good a marshal as another, chosen in darkness and mystery!"”
Of course, it is not difficult to reconcile both versions by assuming that after the deputies jumped over him and got into the meeting hall, he raised to his feet, brushed off the dust, entered and continued his performance inside the hall. The part about the incessant crying for three days (without the breaks for eating, drinking and relieving himself?) sounds incredible but let it be.
Well, anyway, the noisy three days long performance probably would be too much even for the admirers of the (not composed, yet) Wagnerian operas [2] and, while the deputies had a
duty to attend, the ambassadors and other viewers did not. The Prussian Ambassador, Benoit, and especially the commander of the Prussian army, General Lentulus, offered Stackelberg to capture Rejtan; he replied that since his Prussian Majesty was an equal participant in affairs, he, Stackelberg, agreed that the Prussian hussars would seize Rejtan, but that he decided not to use violence, that they, the ambassadors of the three allied courts, had nothing to worry about the cries of the madmen and he undertakes to force the king to accept the treaty at his palace without entering the deputies hall. To fulfill this promise, Stackelberg summoned both chancellors and asked them to inform the king that if he will not enter into the treaty discussion within 24 hours, an order would be sent to move the troops. The king did not agree and invited Stackelberg to his place on April 11 and presented him with the inconveniences and slowdowns that would occur from his arrival in the Senate Hall if Rejtan and his comrades would come there, which will most probably happen. The king agreed to convene the Senate in the royal palace, ordered the chancellor to repeat Stackelberg's threat and summon the confederate marshals.
"
All this is done," Stackelberg wrote in St. Petersburg, "
the marshals made speeches, the king began the treaty, the senators signed separately, the chambers will join on the 13th, Rejtan and his adherents were frightened and ask for mercy, everything is calm."
But this was just the end of the beginning because the next step was discussion of the constitution and, while Stanislaw-Ausgust was OK with giving away the territory, giving away his own rights was a completely different story and he was fully intended to hold the ground and his position on this subject was much stronger because the ambassadors had to negotiate with the representatives of both the senators and the deputies and while the deputies were elected with the active ambassadorial participation and the proper representatives could be picked up, the senators were appointed by the king. And Stanislaw-August rejected the ambassadorial list even of it included his own ministers and relatives. The Prussians and Austrian brought, again, proposal about moving the troops but Stackelberg wrote to Panin: "
I beg you to claim that, if you agree to this proposal, these troops should devastate the republic. I must throw poor Poland at the footsteps of our August sovereign and beg her for mercy. All Greater Poland has turned from a rich and inhabited province almost into a desert due to the occupation of Prussian troops, to which it delivers fodder and indemnities for 40,000 thalers per month, while its deputies at the Sejm do everything possible in our favor; it is not surprising that these people are beginning to retreat from us out of despair.”
Sejm sent to the ambassadors a note asking for participation of the neutral countries as the intermediaries in a dispute regarding the territorial concessions and got a response that proof of the claims was already given and the Polish counter-arguments were inadequate. The three states already defined an alternative for Poland: either the issue will be resolved by June 7 or sizes of the claimed territories will increase. It is a pity that Sejm is wasting time arguing about the wording and other non-issues while ignoring the deadline about which it seemingly does not care. The Polish spirit of the obstinacy produced internal revolt and caused a bloody and prolonged war between Russia and the Porte. So, if the Sejm within 8 days will not appoint the representatives for the talks with the ambassadors, it will be responsible for the consequences.
For the ongoing situation Stackelberg blamed personally the King who told the ambassadors “
I can't oppose the partition, but I will never allow the Sejm delegation to decide on my rights and government form.” However, in the ambassadors’ view these two issues were inseparable and to the King’s complains about injustice and the bad state system which will result from their version of the constitution the answer was that there is no, yet, a final decision about his rights but the turmoil in PLC clearly demonstrated that the existing system id bad and that he can’t fear his domestic enemies because he will be appointing the whole Senate. Stanislaw-August answered with crying and making more speeches, the best phrases of which became immediately known in Warsaw.
Enough was enough and the ambassadors spread the rumor that they are planning to move the troops into Warsaw. The Prussian ambassador even got an order from Frederick to use the most decisive measures at any sign of a resistance but Stackelberg asked not to punish the whole nation for the King’s personal resistance. As an psychological measure the information was spread in Warsaw that the troops are ordered to move and, to hammer down the point, the Russain, Austrian and Prussian quartermasters had been sent to assign the places for the troops in the noble houses.
This worked out and appearance of a Prussian squadron within half a mile from Warsaw completed the job.
On May 1 Stackelberg assembled the deputies in his residence and, in presence of the Prussian and Austrian ambassadors declared that it does not make sense for them to suffer the military occupation because even the king agreed with the partition and his objections are strictly about the domestic issues which are not decided upon, yet. During that meeting two Austrian and two Prussian squadrons rode along the streets. Warsaw was stricken by a fear and only the king, supported by his little private council, which consisted of his mistress, one Swiss and one Frenchman, called for the fight against three countries telling the deputies that the new constitution will result in the aristocratic rule of 12 tyrants. He came to the Sejm with his own act of the representatives election which was saying that representatives assigned to discussion of the internal affairs can’t make the decision, which would be left to the Sejm, which meant more delays.
Confederation’s Marshal, Poninsky, declared that only he, the marshal, has a right to offer the subjects voted by the majority. King and his party disagreed but Bishop Ostrowski in the strong terms explained to the king that he puts nation in danger. He was supported by a number of the senators who were saying that the king personally risks nothing while the people and their property will be endangered. King persisted but a vote came against him and the ambassador agreed to give the Sejm a postponement until May 3.
On May 2, the ambassadors used to secure a majority in the Chamber of Deputies and by common agreement spent 8,000 cherwontsy on this subject. At the same time, they explained to the king's relatives that the first consequences of the execution of the threats would, of course, fall on them if they did not find the means to turn his majesty away from perseverance, disastal and useless together. They also issued a declaration to the Sejm with the explanation that acceptance of the King’s proposal is impossible. King made more speeches in the Senate but this did not help: he was outvoted.
While this process was going on, the Austrian ambassador played the usual Austrian game telling one thing to his colleagues and another to the Poles. However, on May 8 the representatives were appointed: all available senators and 60 of the deputies, totaling 100. More delays was caused by waiting for the instructions from Vienna so the talks started only on May 22. The Austrian position now was to keep the royal power strong limiting “liberum veto”. Its ambassador, Rewitsky, declared that the Prussian share presented by its ambassador goes against the agreed upon convention and presented new Austrian plan, with a border by the river which nobody could find on a map, and demanded a further delay until Austrian map will arrive from Vienna. Of course, the Prussians replied with a statement that they’ll require more territory, etc.
Now, the Poles were requiring the speedy solution because the countryside was being destroyed by the Prussian occupying forces who did not pay for anything and, looking at them, the Austrians were doing the same.
As a result, the talks restarted only in August and it is not clear if what followed was a rehearsed performance or the impromptu [3] . The Polish representatives appealed to Stackelberg to ask for the protecting of their rights and territories to the Empress, their benevolent protector, and got an answer that certain malicious people managed to destroy these cordial relations and now Her Majesty can do nothing. On a cue, Bishop Ostrowski asked to name these malicious personages because they must suffer the severe consequences. His statement caused a wave of enthusiasm. To which Stackelberg answered that the first things must be dine first and when the treaties are signed, he will gladly help with all necessary investigations.
The unrest aroused by Ostrowski’s speech was predictably cannibalistic and terribly frightened the old man Czartoryski, the Chancellor of Lithuania. He turned pale when the bishop said the words: "If I'm guilty, let them throw me in the Vistula!" It seemed to Czartoryski that he would first have to experience this bathing. The
Family had to endure humiliation, listening silently to reproaches and threats. There were voices that if the attempted assassins of of the king would have their heads and hands cut off, it would be unfair to spare the murderers of the fatherland.
This managed to scare not only the King’s uncles but the King himself and, after few more rounds of bargaining about his rights (with Austrian ambassador undermining actions of his colleagues), a compromise had been worked out. King retained a right of appointment to all Church and secular positions except for the bishops, voievods, ministers, and military and financial commissioners who would have to be picked out of three candidates presented by the Permanent Council. In the army King appoints officers in the selected Polish units and in the rest of the army the officers are appointed by a seniority. The king waives the right to distribute royal estates, the proceeds of which are used for state needs. The Saeima will appoint members of the Permanent Council by secret ballot. Four Guards regiments will be, as traditionally, under the state control but now the Hetmans will share power with the Military Commission and both they and commission will be subordinated to the Permanent Council. The King will be getting annual allowance for maintaining 2,000 troops which will be completely in his disposal.
The deal was done. On September 30, the partition treaties were approved by the Sejm, and on November 8, 1773, Stanislaw-August ratified them. Nevertheless, work on the border demarcation continued for several more years. Anyway, the Polish pie was cut to the pieces and it was now up to each of the recipients to consume his or her piece. Preferably, without getting an indigestion.
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[1] Painter who immortalized the most famous events of the Polish history, real and imaginable (like capture of Pskov by Stephen Báthory). Mostly in a size close to the natural (even the battle of Grunwakd) and, which definitely raised him above the average level, always managing to put into each painting pretty much all prominent personages who happened to be alive at that time even if they were not present at the specific event. As far as I can tell, on the painting above the main hero has a haircut different from those on his portraits but who cares?
[2] May be not. Personally, I could not bear them for more than 5 minutes but, AFAIK, some people (including at least one painter) had been attending the whole performances lasting for up to 6 hours. I doubt that a daily Sejm’s session lasted longer.
[3] Actually, the impromptus must be well rehearsed so the options are not mutually exclusive.