You've written previously that after The 1968 US Presidential Election ITTL, Robbie was 1 year old. So was he supposed to be born on August 17th, 1967 ITTL?
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Blue Skies in Camelot (Continued): An Alternate 80s and Beyond
- Thread starter President_Lincoln
- Start date
Gotcha. Let's go with that then. My apologies. Sometimes details like that slip through my mind.
I have a question for you Mr. President, could you please post about The Kennedy Family Tree as of 1981 ITTL?
So that means they had Robbie a year after Rosie. I can only the press's reaction after the pregnancy announcement. "She's pregnant again?!"
Kennedy Family Tree ITTL (circa 1981)
As promised, here is the extended Kennedy Family tree as of 1981 ITTL. Unfortunately, the program that I used to make the tree makes it difficult to capture the entire tree in one image. I will thus post the tree in three parts:
Didn't RFK want to name his next kid after George Washington? George Washington Kennedy has a good ring to it.
I've read that JFK and RFK wanted their father to name baby Ted "George Washington Kennedy" when he was born. Joe Sr. refused and named him after his assistant (Edward) instead.
Great family tree! can't wait to see the british royal family version on due time
Holy hell Bobby. Did the Kennedys not have books or TV in their house?
Yay we finally have a Kennedy family tree for Blue Skies!🥳👏👍
God it's longer than I thought. All those new cousins, am I right??
God it's longer than I thought. All those new cousins, am I right??
Guess Bob and Ethel would like to create their own football team
. Kennedy Comets anyone ?
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I have just realized that, at this point in TTL, it seems like both Honey Fitz and JPK dreams have been realized with two members having been elected as presidents: the Kennedys have successfully set themselves up as probably the most successful political dynasty in America. While all of its family members are free to chart their own path in life, any Kennedy who chooses to run for office in any Democratic stronghold (especially in New England) has a high chance of succeeding as they benefit from name recognition, the social networks, and the financial resources that are already established.
Absolutely. This will have both positive and negative consequences, of course. Though I am a fan of the Kennedys (ofc), I am, in general, opposed to long term political dynasties. I'm not going ahead and ruling out any political future for the Kennedys ITTL (far from it), but there will be a demand for "new blood" in the Democratic Party whenever RFK's term(s) in office come to an end. I hope that over the next few years of storyline, I can sow the seeds for the next generation of leaders and figures in both parties to keep American politics interesting for all of you.
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Chapter 146
Chapter 146 - The Best of Times - A Transition and an Inauguration
Above: President-Elect Robert F. Kennedy attending a transition meeting with President Mo Udall in late December, 1980 (left); the White House Christmas tree (center); Senator Ed Muskie (D - ME), gives a press conference thanking President-Elect Kennedy for the opportunity to serve as Secretary of State (right).
“The best of times are when I'm alone with you
Some rain some shine
We'll make this a world for two
Our memories of yesterday will last a lifetime
We'll take the best, forget the rest
And someday we'll find these are the best of times
These are the best of times” - “The Best of Times” by Styx
“Progress is a nice word. But change is its motivator; and change has its enemies.” - Robert F. Kennedy
“It’s funny. Of all the jobs I’ve been ambitious for, this is one that never crossed my mind.” - Edmund Muskie
The transition of power between the Udall and incoming Kennedy administrations began shortly following the results of the 1980 presidential election. Democrats in general, and President Udall in particular, were deeply satisfied by the results. Not only would “the People’s Party” remain in power in Washington, but with RFK as their champion, Udall’s own progressive wing of the party remained ascendant. Thus, Udall and Kennedy worked together closely throughout the transition.
In general, Kennedy favored grace and modesty in assembling his cabinet. He wanted to retain as many of Udall’s advisors as he felt that he could, whilst still leaving himself room to assemble the team he felt would best represent the nation’s interests. Thus, Kennedy’s team, led by incoming Chief of Staff Ken O’Donnell, interviewed each member of Udall’s cabinet individually, then inventoried their respective strengths and weaknesses.
Some, like Treasury Secretary W. Michael Blumenthal and Labor Secretary Walter Reuther decided to retire with the changing of the guard. By 1980, Reuther was 73 years old and despite being a long-term Kennedy ally, decided to conclude his lengthy career. In his place, Kennedy nominated another close friend and frequent collaborator - Cesar Chavez of the United Farm Workers. An icon of both the labor and civil rights movements for Mexican Americans, Chavez was seen as a controversial choice, but also an historic one. Nobel prize winning economist James Tobin was nominated to succeed Blumenthal at Treasury. Shirley Hufstedler, the Secretary of Education, retired, succeeded at her post by Congresswoman Patsy Mink of Hawaii. Mink, 53, had made her career fighting for women’s rights and for improvements to education, health, and welfare in particular. She was a natural Kennedy ally.
Succeeding Cy Vance as Secretary of Defense would be Senator Henry M. “Scoop” Jackson of Washington State. Having served in the Senate since 1953 and before that in the House of Representatives since 1940, Jackson was widely considered one of the leading experts on defense policy in either party. A staunch New Deal liberal, Jackson supported the Civil Rights movement, environmental regulation, and labor unions. Just as strongly as he believed in enforcing human rights at home, Jackson also believed in confronting totalitarianism in general and Soviet communism in particular abroad. Nicknamed “the Senator from Boeing” for his consistent voting record favoring defense contracts and development in his home state, Jackson had once been then-Senator John F. Kennedy’s first choice for a vice presidential running mate in 1960. Then when Johnson had been dumped from the ticket in ‘64, he’d been considered again. Now, Bob Kennedy wanted Jackson, by this time 68 years old, to run the Pentagon for him. Jackson, eager to “take the fight to the Soviets” agreed.
Above: Members of RFK’s cabinet - Cesar Chavez, Secretary of Labor (left); Patsy Mink, Secretary of Education (center); Scoop Jackson, Secretary of Defense (right).
For Attorney General - the other cabinet post that he himself had once held - Kennedy also felt that the time was right for another history-making move. He tapped Charles Rangel for the role.
Rangel, 50, was a congressman from Harlem, New York City, whom RFK had previously appointed Assistant U.S. Attorney in the Southern District of New York while Kennedy himself had served as Attorney General back in 1963. As the son of a Puerto Rican father and an African American mother, the fifty-year old Rangel would be the first Hispanic American and second African American to be named Attorney General (after Ed Brooke, first nominated by President Bush back in 1972).
In addition to being an outspoken firebrand for civil rights, the man that everyone in Washington affectionately called “Charlie” was also a Korean War hero, having won a Purple Heart and a Bronze Star for his actions there. A founding member of the Congressional Black Caucus, Rangel combined solidly liberal views with a pragmatic style toward finding political compromises. All this made him, in RFK’s words, “the ideal candidate for the job, regardless of the color of his skin”. Rangel would eventually be confirmed by the Senate, following RFK’s inauguration in January.
Another historic pick came for Secretary of the Interior. Clem Rogers McSpadden, a Democratic congressman from Oklahoma, was the grand nephew of comedian and actor Will Rogers (Mo Udall’s hero). He was also an enrolled member of the Cherokee Nation. Before winning the election, Udall and RFK privately agreed that if at all possible, Kennedy should name a First American to his cabinet. They also agreed that Interior would be an ideal choice of position, given that the Department also oversaw the Bureau of Indian Affairs, which had undergone extensive reform under Udall’s administration. McSpadden, honored to be considered, accepted the nomination and would also eventually be confirmed. He became the first First American to become a cabinet Secretary, and the first to be in the presidential line of succession since Vice President Charles Curtis in the early 1930s.
Above: Charlie Rangel (left) and Clem McSpadden (right); two historic choices for cabinet posts by President-Elect Robert Kennedy.
In addition to nominating a diverse cabinet, Kennedy also believed that it was important to nominate women to cabinet posts wherever possible as well. In addition to Patsy Mink at Education, he also retained Juanita Kreps as Secretary of Commerce, Patricia R. Harris as Secretary of Health and Human Services, and Yvonne Burke as Secretary of Transportation. Another woman, forty-three year old Hazel R. O'Leary, was named Secretary of Energy, succeeding Richard Garwin.
Perhaps the biggest decisions facing the president-elect in assembling his cabinet would be related to foreign policy. In describing what would come to be the “(Second) Kennedy Doctrine”, RFK, like his brother, called his views “idealist without illusions”. Human rights would continue to be the central focus of Kennedy’s foreign policy, but he would also adopt more of a realist stance than that of his predecessor, Mo Udall. In tackling the Cold War, the president-elect believed that he needed to shift away from détente and toward containment once again. Not only were the American people demanding toughness in the face of Soviet aggression, but Kennedy himself believed that it was, in his moralistic worldview, the right thing to do.
Amidst the transition, whilst in the process of shaping his foreign policy, Kennedy and Scoop Jackson reached out to, arguably the father of containment in the first place: George F. Kennan.
One of Harry Truman’s “Wise Men” - the elder statesmen who had helped Truman set strategy at the outset of the Cold War - Kennan, now 76 years old, was still as sharp as ever, and working as a faculty member of the Institute for Advanced Study in Foreign Affairs at Princeton.
Over the years, Kennan had grown to resent the very policy he’d created.
He’d originally intended for containment to be a political and economic policy, not a military one. His strategy was to await the, in his mind inevitable, economic collapse of the Soviet Union from within. His was a sort of long-term Fabian Strategy. Thus, when Truman and later, Eisenhower, embarked on a major arms buildup, shifting “containment” to a policy of “rollback”, Kennan felt betrayed and misunderstood. Kennan had served for two years as Ambassador to Yugoslavia under Jack Kennedy, and had come to approve (albeit somewhat reluctantly) of the Kennedy brothers’ handling of the Cuban Missile Crisis, and later ramping down the conflict in Southeast Asia. For this reason alone, and because of his hope that the 1980s could represent an opportunity to set things right in the Cold War, he agreed to meet with Bob Kennedy.
At their meeting in early December 1980, the president-elect thanked Kennan for agreeing to meet with him, and asked if he would be willing to serve in his cabinet, possibly even as secretary of state. Kennan, however, declined.
Though he remained alert and relatively vigorous for his advanced age, arthritis confined him to a wheelchair and made extended physical exertion painful. Instead, Kennan offered to serve Kennedy in the same way he had Truman before 1949: as a “Wise Man”, an informal advisor who could be reached - directly, via private phone line - any time that the president-elect needed him. Kennedy accepted this.
Kennan also offered the president-elect his recommendations for the two critical foreign policy positions in the cabinet: National Security Advisor and Secretary of State.
For the former, Kennan recommended his fellow member of the Council on Foreign Relations, Zbiginiew Brzezinski.
Born in Warsaw, Poland, in March 1928, Brzezinski’s family were of aristocratic origins. His father, Tadeusz, had served as a diplomat in Germany from 1931 to 1935. Some of his son’s earliest memories involved the rise of the Nazis in that country. Now, as a 52 year old man, Zbigniew had become an American citizen, and served on the faculties of both Harvard and Columbia Universities. During his time as an academic, Brzezinski argued against Dwight Eisenhower and John Foster Dulles’ policy of “rollback”. Like Kennan, Brzezinski felt that antagonism would push Eastern Europe further into the Soviet sphere.
Bob Kennedy knew Brzezinski fairly well. In the political world, Brzezinski was seen as the Democratic Party’s “answer” to the Republicans’ Henry Kissinger - a foreign-born foreign policy expert, whose articulateness made them very persuasive. In 1960, Brzezinski served as an advisor to Jack’s campaign, urging a non-antagonistic policy toward Eastern European governments. Seeing the Soviet Union as having entered a period of stagnation, both economic and political, Brzezinski predicted a future breakup of the Soviet Union along lines of nationality; this was in accordance with Kennan’s own thinking on the subject.
Kennedy accepted the suggestion and would ultimately nominate Brzezinski for National Security Advisor. He would also name Brzezinski’s former student and protege - one Madeleine Albright - as American Ambassador to the United Nations.
To succeed the dovish George Ball as secretary of state, Kennan advised Kennedy to select someone who could “work hand in hand with Albright”. She would be America’s face to the world at the UN General Assembly. The Secretary of State should be able to flex American soft power, and shift the Cold War back to an economic and political, rather than a military, contest. As soon as those words left Kennan’s lips, Bob Kennedy knew just the man for the job.
After all, Albright had gotten her start in Washington working on his staff.
…
Above: Edmund S. Muskie, Former Governor and U.S. Senator from Maine, in his new office at the State Department, March 1981.
Above: Edmund S. Muskie, Former Governor and U.S. Senator from Maine, in his new office at the State Department, March 1981.
By December of 1980, Ed Muskie was sixty-six years old.
It had been eight years since he’d been just a few hundred delegates away from the Democratic presidential nomination in 1972. He remembered that day in Miami Beach well. Had the fates woven their threads just a little bit differently, he might have been elected to the White House that year. He might have then been reelected in 76. That would have meant he’d be just finishing up his second term. He thought about that a lot. But he tried not to be bitter.
He could have just as easily become the nominee, then lost in a landslide just as Lyndon Johnson had. After that horrible, tragic day in Milwaukee, when President Romney was killed, there was little chance that any Democrat could have won in ‘72. Even had Romney somehow lived, could Muskie have unseated a fairly popular incumbent? Hard to say. Indeed, if you let it, life can become nothing but an endless series of what ifs and regrets.
Ed Muskie did not make a habit out of living in the past.
Far from a spent political entity, Muskie remained prominent and well-liked in Washington. A moderate, New England liberal, Muskie worked with fellow Democrats and Republicans alike in the Senate. There, he continued to craft legislation on a variety of issues. He also gained a reputation as an expert member of the Foreign Affairs committee. Most importantly to Bob Kennedy, Muskie had been one of the principal authors of the failed Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT) with the Soviet Union. Muskie had been rather bitter at the Senate’s failure to ratify the treaty. He placed the blame on President Udall, whom Muskie liked personally, but found ineffectual when it came to whipping votes, and on communitarians and Jackson-ite neoconservatives, hawkish Democrats who broke with the administration on its quest for peace.
With Bob Kennedy’s nomination and subsequent election to the presidency in November 1980, Muskie assumed he would take up that quest once more in January. Little did he know how central of a role he would play.
The day after Christmas, Muskie and his wife, Jane, were at their home in Washington (they seldom spent their winters in Maine anymore) when the phone rang. Jane was making lunch in the kitchen and the grandkids were playing in the parlor, so the Senator answered the phone himself.
“Hello?”
“Hiya Ed, Merry Christmas.”
Muskie smiled. It was Bob Kennedy.
He returned the holiday greeting, then exchanged pleasantries. The President-Elect’s son, Michael, had just graduated from Harvard and was starting law school at the University of Virginia in the spring. Muskie, who had five kids himself, couldn’t imagine how hectic the Kennedys’ lives must be with their eleven, the first couple of whom were beginning to have grandkids as well. To top it all off, Muskie knew well enough that Jack, the family patriarch, was ailing. Bob was expected to handle family business as well. Talk about a workaholic.
After a few minutes, the president-elect got down to business.
“Ed, I called because I want to make you an offer. Would you be willing to give up your seat in the Senate?”
Muskie paused. He felt something stir in his chest.
“What did you have in mind?”
“The State Department.” Kennedy said the words calmly.
“Aren’t I a little long in the tooth?” Muskie asked, trying to hide the rising thrill he felt.
“Not at all.” Kennedy answered. “There’s a lot of so-called experts in Washington on foreign policy. I’ve worked with most of them. I don’t want an expert, Ed. I want the best. You’ve got the experience and more importantly, the character. You want peace. But you’re not afraid to fight. I need you. Will you do it?”
Muskie took a deep breath, then sighed it out. Maybe he’d have another chance to influence policy directly after all.
“You bet.”
…
The Incoming Administration of Robert F. Kennedy
President: Robert F. KennedyThe Incoming Administration of Robert F. Kennedy
Vice President: Lloyd Bentsen
Secretary of State: Edmund Muskie
Secretary of Treasury: James Tobin
Secretary of Defense: Henry M. Jackson
Attorney General: Charles Rangel
Secretary of the Interior: Clem McSpadden
Secretary of Agriculture: William R. Roy
Secretary of Commerce: Juanita M. Kreps
Secretary of Labor: Cesar Chavez
Secretary of Health and Human Services: Patricia R. Harris
Secretary of Education: Patsy Mink
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Walter E. Washington
Secretary of Transportation: Yvonne B. Burke
Secretary of Energy: Hazel R. O’Leary
Secretary of Veterans’ Affairs: John Kerry
Chief of Staff: Ken O’Donnell
National Security Advisor: Zbigniew Brzezinski
EPA Administrator: L. Richardson Preyer
Director of OMB: Julian Dixon
U.S. Trade Representative: Lindy Boggs
U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations: Madeleine Albright
…
Above: President Robert F. Kennedy prepares to deliver his inaugural address (left); an inauguration day parade from the Capitol to the White House (right).
Above: President Robert F. Kennedy prepares to deliver his inaugural address (left); an inauguration day parade from the Capitol to the White House (right).
The inauguration of Robert Francis Kennedy as the 39th President of the United States was held on Tuesday, January 20th, 1981, at the West Front of the United States Capitol in Washington, D.C. It was the first inauguration ceremony to be held on the Capitol's west side. There, a grand bandstand was erected to accommodate larger than usual numbers of spectators. The swearing-in of the second Kennedy brother to serve as president was anticipated to be very well attended. The crowds delivered. The noontime temperature that day was 55 °F, unseasonably warm for Washington, D.C in January.
Standing on the platform beside the president-elect were his family, soon-to-be Chief of Staff Ken O’Donnell, members of the Joint Congressional Committee that organized the inauguration, and Kennedy’s guest of honor - His Eminence Cardinal Terence Cooke, Archbishop of New York and the highest ranking member of the Catholic Church in America. Privately, Kennedy had asked the Cardinal to pray with him before the inauguration began. Cooke obliged, heard Kennedy’s confession, then celebrated mass with Kennedy and his wife and children. He later gave the invocation and the benediction at the ceremony.
Shortly before noon, Lloyd Bentsen was sworn in for another term as Vice President by Associate Justice Potter Stewart of the Supreme Court. Chief Justice Paul Freund, who’d been appointed by RFK’s older brother, administered the oath of office to Kennedy. The president-elect placed his hand upon the Kennedy family bible, the same one his brother had used twenty years prior, and the same one that had been brought to America by Thomas Fitzgerald, the progenitor of the family’s maternal line back in 1852. Following the prompts laid out by the Chief Justice, and with soon-to-be First Lady Ethel by his side, Kennedy swore the oath of office.
“I, Robert Francis Kennedy, do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, so help me God.”
As he finished the oath and shook hands with the Chief Justice, the crowd let out a jubilant roar of approval. Kennedy smiled his thanks and accepted congratulations from both former President Udall and Kennedy’s own opponent in the 1980 election, former Vice President Ronald Reagan. As he returned to the podium and prepared to speak, a hush fell over the crowd. Comparisons to Jack Kennedy’s inauguration twenty years prior were all but inevitable. And given that JFK’s first inaugural address was widely considered one of the finest in the nation’s history, expectations were certainly high for RFK’s. Could he deliver the way that his brother had?
For his part, Bobby felt the weight of the world on his shoulders. He knew all too well that history had its eye on him. He’d worked for all of his life to get to this moment. He’d spent all that time in Jack’s shadow. It was time to step out of it and fully into the light. He’d said the words. As if by magic, he was now the Leader of the Free World. The single most powerful person on the planet.
He cleared his throat, and began to speak.
“Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bentsen, Vice President Reagan, Speaker O’Neill, Senator Hatfield, Cardinal Cooke, and my fellow Americans:
Today, in this hallowed tradition of democracy, we stand at the threshold of a new era. As I humbly accept the responsibilities that you, the people, have entrusted upon me, I am filled with a profound sense of hope and gratitude. This is not just an inauguration; it is a celebration of the enduring spirit of our great nation.
Our journey, like the river of time, has flowed through valleys of despair and crested the peaks of triumph. We have faced trials that have tested our resolve and victories that affirmed our shared humanity. Today, as I stand before you, I am reminded that our strength as a nation lies not only in our grand institutions but, more importantly, in the collective beating of mercy within our hearts. So says the motto of our nation - E Pluribus Unum - from many, one. Our diversity is our strength, and our shared values are the bedrock upon which our dreams are built. We must remember that, in times of challenge, our unity is our greatest asset.
We face many challenges today. But we will face them. And we will do so together.
In the words of a wise man who once occupied this office, ‘We are not bound to win, but we are bound to be true. We are not bound to succeed, but we are bound to live by the light that we have. We must stand with anybody that stands right, and stand with him while he is right, and part with him when he goes wrong.’
As we peer into the future, let us embrace a new idealism that transcends the challenges of our time. Let us be the architects of a brighter tomorrow, where justice is blind, opportunities are boundless, and compassion knows no boundaries.
The world around us is changing, and we must change with it. May we stand fast as guardians of liberty, champions of justice, and architects of peace. Let us show the world that our commitment to democracy is unyielding, our pursuit of a better world unwavering. But let us not forget that sacred principle: ‘Blessed be the peacemakers: for they shall be called the children of God.’ As the Greek poet Aeschylus wrote, ‘Memory is the mother of all wisdom’.
In the fields of agriculture, where the fruits of our labor sustain us, and in our cities, where the dreams of the multitudes take root, we find the common threads that weave us together. Let us cultivate not only the land but also the bonds that bind us as one people, one nation, indivisible.
To those who suffer in the shadows of inequality, we extend a hand of solidarity. We shall work tirelessly to bridge the chasm that divides us, to ensure that the American dream is attainable for all, not just the privileged few.
In our pursuit of progress, let us not forget our commitment to the planet we call home. As stewards of the Earth, we bear a responsibility to future generations. We will lead by example, fostering innovation and sustainable practices that ensure a world where the air is pure, the waters are clean, and the beauty of nature remains undiminished.
My fellow Americans, as we embark on this new chapter, let us also remember the words etched on the Liberty Bell: ‘Proclaim LIBERTY Throughout all the Land unto all the Inhabitants Thereof.’ Liberty is not just a word; it is a promise, a covenant with our forebears and a legacy for our children.
Together, as one people, one nation, we shall continue to strive for a more perfect union. Let us march forward with hope in our hearts, faith in our ideals, and a determination to write the next chapter of the American story with courage, compassion, and conviction.
May God bless you all, and may God bless the United States of America.”
…
President Kennedy’s speech, though brief (clocking in at just over six hundred and fifty words), was well-received, both by the crowds gathered at the Capitol, and by the millions watching and listening at home and at work on their television sets and radios. Pundits hailed the speech as not just a grand display of rhetorical ability, but also replete with wisdom from the new president’s Catholic faith and love of the Ancient Greek poets. It demonstrated both clarity and economy of language. It was also a strong statement of purpose for the next four years to come.
After the speech came a grand parade. The new president and first lady rode in a closed-top limousine for security purposes, though they did stand up through the car’s skylight to wave to the crowds. Kennedy had wanted to walk the route of the inaugural parade, as Mo Udall had done four years prior. But the Secret Service vetoed such a move. The rest of the day was filled with banquets and balls held in Kennedy’s honor. Though RFK was eager to get to work, he was persuaded by Ethel to attend these ceremonies.
“The people want a bit of pageantry.” She reminded him. “It gives them hope. Something to look forward to.”
The events also helped to endear the Kennedys to the American public. Drawing comparisons to Jack and Jackie, Bob and Ethel brought class and a sense of high fashion to the inaugural festivities and to their roles thereafter. With their eleven smiling children and handful of grandchildren, the Kennedys once again became “America’s family”, the New World’s answer to European royalty.
“Camelot” was back!
Above: President Robert F. Kennedy and First Lady Ethel Kennedy
…
Above: John Warnock Hinckley, Jr. visits the White House shortly before President Kennedy’s inauguration, January 20th, 1981.
Standing in the crowd that day, watching the inaugural parade go by was a young man from Dallas, Texas. John Hinckley, Jr. was 25 years old on the day of President Kennedy’s inauguration.
Born in Ardmore, Oklahoma on May 29th, 1955, Hinckley moved to Dallas with his wealthy family at the age of four. His father - John Warnock Hinckley - was the founder, chairman, chief executive and president of the Vanderbilt Energy Corporation. Hinckley grew up in University Park, Texas and attended Highland Park High School in Dallas County. Later in life, he would frequently recount the effect that being “so close” to where President John F. Kennedy had nearly been assassinated would have on him.
After Hinckley graduated from high school in 1973, his family moved to Evergreen, Colorado, where the new company headquarters for the family business was located. Throughout 1974 and 1975, he intermittently attended various universities in both Colorado and Texas. He was a below average student, however, and dropped out over and over again. Still, his mother, Jo Ann, tried to encourage him.
After he dropped out of Texas Tech University, she sat her son down over the holiday season and asked him what he wanted to do with his life. He admitted that he struggled a great deal with the pressure exerted on him. He didn’t want to disappoint his parents. But he did not want to follow a traditional career path, either. He admitted, tearfully, that what he really wanted was to be a musician, a singer-songwriter. His mother, sympathizing, agreed to support him if he went to Los Angeles to pursue a music career, so long as he agreed to also study at UCLA. If he improved his grades and kept them up, she and his father would send him money. John agreed.
Hinckley moved to Los Angeles and began studying music at UCLA. True to his word, and allowed to study his passion, he worked harder to keep up with his assignments. His grades rose. In his free time, Hinckley wrote songs on his guitar, played open mics, and generally tried to get meetings with various music industry bigwigs. These, unfortunately, all fell through. Despite his best efforts, it did not appear that a career as a rock star was on the cards for John Hinckley, Jr.
Still, not all was gloom and doom for him.
While attending a music theory class in the spring semester of ‘76, Hinckley met harpist, singer, and fellow freshman Donna Serrano. Though their first interactions were a bit awkward, Hinckley eventually asked Donna on a date. She said yes. The two quickly bonded over their shared love of rock and pop music, especially the Beatles and Townes Van Zandt. That wasn’t all they shared. Donna too came from a family with high expectations for her. Devoutly Catholic Italian-Americans, they’d expected her to enter a convent when she grew up. Donna pursued secular music instead, much to her parents’ chagrin.
The pair started going steady.
They wrote music together, took in the sights, and generally spent their days, and especially their nights, enjoying being young and in love in the City of Angels. When John’s depression and anxiety began acting up, Donna would soothe him by singing the Beatles song “Hey Jules”, substituting his name for “Jules”. She also encouraged him to write songs about his feelings, and play his guitar to relieve his stress and anxiety. To Hinckley’s surprise, this seemed to do the trick. For the first time in his life, Hinckley felt like he could get a grip on his mental health issues. Donna even went home with John over the winter break of 1976-77 to meet the Hinckleys. John’s parents were overjoyed that in his relationship with Donna, John finally seemed to be finding something to keep himself grounded. He stopped taking the tranquilizers that his psychiatrist prescribed. He no longer felt he needed them.
After that, college passed quickly for Hinckley.
He graduated in the spring of 1979 with a bachelor’s degree in music. Unsure of what to do with it, John would ultimately be inspired by Donna, who suggested an idea to him during a trip to her native New York City to visit her family. The idea? Music therapy.
At the time, the concept was still very much in its infancy. But there were institutions in the Big Apple that offered classes and certifications in the field to those with a bachelor’s degree, who were willing to supplement their education with extra classes in psychology. Hinckley dove into the new career path with gusto. By the summer of 1980, he’d earned enough credits through the City University of New York to qualify for his music therapy license. He wouldn’t be a rock star, but he would make a living through music. What was more, he would help others afflicted with similar mental health issues as the ones he had. He was thrilled.
Just after Thanksgiving that year, John Hinckley Jr. proposed to Donna Serrano. To his delight, she again said yes. They would be married the following June.
In between, Donna, who was now working as an elementary school music teacher in New York City’s public schools, wanted to go to Washington, D.C. on January 20th to see the inauguration of President-Elect Robert F. Kennedy, a man that she and her family greatly admired. Hinckley, simply happy to get to spend more time with his fiance, agreed. Together, Hinckley and his bride-to-be toured the White House, took in the nation’s capital, and joined the crowds outside the Capitol to hear Kennedy deliver his inaugural address.
It was, Hinckley had to admit, a damn fine speech.
Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: RFK’s First 100 Days in Office
Very well researched for RFK's cabinet, and detailed, too. If the now Defense Secretary Jackson dies when he did in '83' of this world, who could Kennedy nominate to take his place? Also, nice touch with Hinckley, who, I'm glad to know is on a better path here.