Blue Skies in Camelot (Continued): An Alternate 80s and Beyond
- Thread starter President_Lincoln
- Start date
Thank you!
Glad you enjoyed the chapter. That must have been quite the harrowing experience to recall, indeed. I've heard family members talk about it, but I was not alive at the time, so all my stories are second hand. An excellent question. I would say that this is a fair assumption - that Clarence Thomas may well end up a different person ITTL. I could see him remaining at seminary and eventually becoming a Catholic priest. I believe Thomas would remain a member of the Democratic Party ITTL, though he would likely be a socially conservative, communitarian Democrat.
Nice presidents list!
Obviously I don't want to give anything away in terms of spoilers, but this is definitely plausible. As for the figures you asked about...
1. Camila Parker-Bowles nee Shand - More or less following her OTL path. She's married to Andrew Parker-Bowles, and has been since 1973. ITTL, she never had a romantic relationship with Prince Charles.
2. John Major - Also more or less following his OTL path. After graduating from school in 1959, he worked as a banker for a time before getting involved with Tory politics. As of 1981, he's currently serving as an MP for Huntingdon, and has been since 1979.
3. Tony Blair - Having just finished studying law at Oxford, Blair is currently working as a Barrister. He's getting involved with Labour politics, but mostly at the local level at the moment.
4. Barack Obama - Currently attending Columbia University in New York City, studying International Relations and English literature.
So far as I can tell, Chapman was never linked with the Birchers IOTL. I decided to include that bit to explain why he ultimately targeted a politician here, rather than a famous musician as he did IOTL.
Thank you! Glad you enjoyed.
Agreed!
Thanks for responding. I can definitely imagine Thomas as a Catholic Priest. A very traditional one at that like you saidThank you!
An excellent question. I would say that this is a fair assumption - that Clarence Thomas may well end up a different person ITTL. I could see him remaining at seminary and eventually becoming a Catholic priest. I believe Thomas would remain a member of the Democratic Party ITTL, though he would likely be a socially conservative, communitarian Democrat.
Nice presidents list!
As for the figures you asked about...
1. Camila Parker-Bowles nee Shand - More or less following her OTL path. She's married to Andrew Parker-Bowles, and has been since 1973. ITTL, she never had a romantic relationship with Prince Charles.
2. John Major - Also more or less following his OTL path. After graduating from school in 1959, he worked as a banker for a time before getting involved with Tory politics. As of 1981, he's currently serving as an MP for Huntingdon, and has been since 1979.
3. Tony Blair - Having just finished studying law at Oxford, Blair is currently working as a Barrister. He's getting involved with Labour politics, but mostly at the local level at the moment.
4. Barack Obama - Currently attending Columbia University in New York City, studying International Relations and English literature.
So far as I can tell, Chapman was never linked with the Birchers IOTL. I decided to include that bit to explain why he ultimately targeted a politician here, rather than a famous musician as he did IOTL.
Thank you! Glad you enjoyed.
Agreed!
Somebody needs to make Blue Skies mods I’m so shocked no one has yet
I've made a few mock-ups and suggested some on the subreddit, but I am in no place to make one. If the creator gives the thumbs up I'll make a code one.
Indeed, hopefully, the Republicans could swing back to center after their Rightward shift in the past. The GOP becoming a party of rather fervent centrists that resisted attempts to expand government and advocated for the reduction of spending on social programs, but not for the elimination of social programs and basic Income would be okay in my book.
Haha my phone is fine, didn't hit anything. Generally never been so shocked after reading one of your updates!I apologize for the error there. Sometimes details slip through the cracks of editing. I will be sure to fix it.
I personally don't feel that I'm giving into "demands" as you say, or being "dictated to". I just hear ideas and take suggestions if I think they fit the narrative. I also don't plan on making too many major retcons or revisions. Every now and then, I change my mind on something because I've done additional thinking and it seems to make more sense. I'm sorry if you find any of the changes not to your liking. Thank you for your comment and your readership!
Thank you!
Yeah, the Birchers are long overdue to have their reactionary views exposed and condemned again.
Thank you 👍 I hope your phone is okay, though!
Thank you
Me and every other reader: *reading this chapter* : "Just an ordinary sweet chapter of President Bobby Kennedy now being President
President_Lincoln: "Oh you think this sh!t SWEET? Don't worry, I got somethin' for y'all!"
(THIS UPDATE)
😛🤣
Max, if you'd like to make one, please feel free! I enjoy the Campaign Trail Mods.
I've been thinking about making a 1968 one for a long time now where (ideally) you could play as Romney, Humphrey, and/or Wallace. These other ideas are great too. If I ever find the free time, I'll try my hand at making one.
I would hinge that on Romney survivng and the economy going in the crapper.
This may have already been asked before Mr President but what will Hollywood be like now in this alternate 80s? Obviously some of the best films came out in the 1980s but Hollywood was also very conservative during that decade? Without spoiling or giving too much away, how would Hollywood be going forward? A blend between counter-culture films of the 60s and 70s and the more realistic action flims of the 80s and 90s? Or something completely different?
A good question!
Generally speaking, Hollywood is still going to undergo some major changes throughout the 1980s.
For one thing, we are still seeing the rise of the Blockbuster as the primary focus of Hollywood studios. Though of course there will still be low and mid-budget movies (hopefully these can stick around more than IOTL), expect franchises like Star Wars, Indiana Jones, etc. to forever change the way that studios look at IP.
From a tone and cultural standpoint, the best comparison that I can make is likely to the big action films and feel good storytelling of the post-World War II era. Expect to see a lot of Americana, red white and blue, action heroes who fight communists, as well as drama and comedy films that celebrate the American dream. This does not necessarily have to mean "conservative" values, however. I think that if artists, directors, etc. are brave enough to present bold and progressive ideas, then many movie goers will go along for the ride. In other words, we'll continue to see slow, steady progress on the representations of social issues in film and television.
Do note, however, that I do believe that some kind of a conservative backlash to the progress of the 60s, 70s, and 80s is somewhat inevitable. By the early 90s at the latest, I suspect we will still see some pushback from the right. The pendulum does swing every generation or so, after all. My hope (as a socially liberal person) is that by then, many liberal values are entrenched enough for the average person that even a conservative backlash does not have to lead to a full blown "moral panic" and marginalized groups being targeted.
Amen to that last part. The right can fight back all they want but If Liberal Values become so entrenched then they'll find that they won't have the same effect as before. (Which I am so hoping for)
Chapter 148
Chapter 148 - The Impossible Dream: Will President Robert Kennedy Survive?
Above: Vice President (Acting President) Lloyd Bentsen (D - TX) holds a press conference at the White House on the evening of March 30th, 1981 (left); First Lady Ethel Kennedy caught on camera on her way to GWU Hospital to see her husband (right).
“To dream the impossible dream
To fight the unbeatable foe
To bear with unbearable sorrow
And to run where the brave dare not go
To right the unrightable wrong
And to love pure and chaste from afar
To try when your arms are too weary
To reach the unreachable star
This is my quest
To follow that star
No matter how hopeless
No matter how far
To fight for the right
Without question or pause
To be willing to march, march into Hell
For a Heavenly cause
And I know if I'll only be true
To this glorious quest
That my heart will lie peaceful and calm
When I'm laid to my rest
And the world will be better for this
That one man, scorned and covered with scars
Still strove with his last ounce of courage
To reach the unreachable star” - “The Impossible Dream” from Man of La Mancha, President Robert F. Kennedy’s favorite song
“He who learns must suffer. And even in our sleep pain that cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart, and in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdom to us by the awful grace of God.” - Aeschylus
On the morning of March 30th, 1981, Lloyd M. Bentsen, Jr. awoke, as he had every morning for the past four years, at the Naval Observatory, official residence of the vice president.
Bentsen lived there with his wife, Second Lady Beryl Ann Bentsen. Their three children (sons Lloyd III and Lan and daughter Tina) were all grown, with families of their own, back in Texas. Lloyd III and his wife had already given the VP his first grandchildren; Lloyd Jr. (the VP) was a family man, and had been since he was a boy.
Above: Mission, Texas, Lloyd Bentsen’s hometown in the 1920s.
Bentsen was born February 11th, 1921 in Mission in Hidalgo County, Texas to Lloyd Millard Bentsen Sr. (known as "Big Lloyd"), a first-generation Danish-American, and his wife, Edna Ruth (nee Colbath). The elder Bentsen's parents, Peter and Tena, had come from Denmark to be homesteaders and farmers at Argo Township, near White and Brookings, South Dakota. There, they experienced many hardships, including loss of their first dwelling and belongings to fire, crop failure, and poor medical care.
Their son (Lloyd Sr.) started out harvesting and taming mustangs for local farmers, then served in the United States Signal Corps during World War I. He and Edna accompanied his parents on their relocation to the "citrus and vegetable utopia" of Sharyland, Texas, where Peter Bentsen worked as a land agent for Sharyland's founder, John H. Shary, and started a nursery seedling business. Lloyd Sr. and his brother Elmer helped with the family business, investing in land purchase, becoming the “premier colonizers and developers of Hidalgo County”.
Years later, at age 15, Lloyd Jr. graduated from Sharyland High School in Mission. He was an Eagle Scout and received the Distinguished Eagle Scout Award from the Boy Scouts of America. Bentsen graduated from the University of Texas School of Law with an LL.B. degree in 1942 and was admitted to the bar, but joined the military in order to serve in World War II.
After a brief stint as a private in intelligence work in Brazil, he was trained to become a pilot. In early 1944, he began flying combat missions in B-24 Liberator bombers from Foggia, Italy, with the 449th Bomb Group. At age 23, he was promoted to major and given command of a squadron of 600 men, overseeing the operations of fifteen bombers, their crews, and their maintenance units. He was promoted to lieutenant colonel before being discharged in 1947.
Bentsen flew thirty-five missions against many heavily defended targets, including the Ploiești oil fields in Romania, which were critical to the Nazi war production. The 15th Air Force, which included the 449th Bomb Group, destroyed all petroleum production within its range, eliminating about half of Nazi Germany's sources of fuel. Bentsen's unit also flew against communications centers, aircraft factories and industrial targets in Germany, Italy, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria. Bentsen participated in raids in support of the Anzio campaign and flew missions against targets in preparation for the landing in southern France. He was shot down twice. For his actions in the air service, he was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross, as well as the Air Medal with three Oak Leaf Clusters. He continued to serve in the US Air Force Reserves until 1959, eventually retiring with the rank of colonel.
After the war, Bentsen returned to his native Rio Grande Valley.
First elected to the US House of Representatives in the Truman re-election campaign of 1948, he would go on to serve three successive terms in the House. With the South, including Texas, still dominated by yellow dog Democrats, winning the Democratic nomination was tantamount to election, and Bentsen was unopposed by Republicans in each of his three House campaigns. He became a protégé of Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn and developed a reputation as an excellent poker player. He eventually left the House following the 1954 elections, returning for a time to his private law practice.
Above: Lloyd Bentsen (D - TX) as a US representative in the early 1950s.
After failing to unseat liberal Senator Ralph Yarborough in the Democratic primary of 1964, Bentsen considered giving up any political ambitions. This changed following the suggestion that he run for the Texas governorship in 1972. He managed to win both the Democratic primary and the general election, defeating Republican Henry Grover. As governor, Bentsen built a record as a decidedly centrist Democrat, favoring pro-business policies in the name of job creation and long-term economic development for the state. With fellow Texan George Bush in the White House, Bentsen reached across party lines and worked with the president on a number of infrastructure projects for the Lone Star state. Bentsen was comfortably reelected in 1974, despite Republican gains that year, and used his second term to cement both his stature within state politics and to raise his national profile.
As previously chronicled, Bentsen sought the Democratic presidential nomination in 1976, eventually finishing second in the primaries behind eventual winner Mo Udall. Upon taking the stage as a national figure, Bentsen tried to pivot somewhat toward a more “communitarian” stance - raising his social conservative bonafides and coming out against the party platform on abortion. He then moderated that stance when he joined the Democratic ticket.
As vice president, Bentsen was a crucial player in passing legislation, especially expanding Medicare into a universal program (aka “MoCare”). Using skills he learned from his old mentor, Rayburn, Bentsen whipped votes and helped Mo Udall understand just who his allies and enemies were - whether within the Republican ranks or his own party. He also maintained better relations with Congress than Udall did. Whereas Udall came off as a “starry eyed idealist”, Bentsen was practical - “your daddy’s Democrat”. Bentsen felt, justifiably, that he was a crucial player in Udall’s successes in office. Thus, when Udall announced his decision not to seek a second term, but did not formally endorse Bentsen, the vice president felt more than a bit betrayed.
Udall tried to explain to Lloyd that it wasn’t personal, that, had he endorsed him, it would have rubbed many in the party the wrong way, that it would be seen as him “putting his thumb on the scales” and “disrupting the democratic process”. Bentsen accepted this, but harbored his own personal suspicion: that Udall had always been pulling for a victory by Bob Kennedy. Udall and Kennedy were good friends, after all. They swam in similar schools of thought, at the liberal-progressive wing of the party. A Kennedy presidency might better preserve Udall’s legacy than one by Bentsen.
Nevertheless, Lloyd fought like Hell in the primaries. Unfortunately, he never managed to win over the party base. Once again, he finished second. As previously mentioned, he considered declining RFK’s offer to remain on the ticket for vice president. He ultimately accepted because he felt that if he declined, his career in public office was essentially finished. He could go back to private law practice, but he felt he still had more to give his country. In March of 1981, he was only sixty, no spring chicken, but not ancient either. He agreed to remain as vice president.
That said, beginning at the Democratic convention in August 1980, Kennedy and Bentsen had a cordial, if somewhat distant working relationship. Though they agreed that defeating an “uncompromising conservative” like Ronald Reagan was in the national interest, each harbored mistrust of the other.
For Kennedy, Bentsen represented the aspect of politics which Kennedy found most distasteful - arm-twisting and exchanges of pork made over filthy jokes and games of cards in smoke-filled rooms. Another Rayburn-pupil, Lyndon Johnson, had been RFK’s arch-nemesis for years before finally giving up the ghost back in ‘73. Since then, Bob Kennedy had sought to strengthen his brand of democratic politics - bold, hopeful, and idealistic. Though he respected Bentsen, he felt no personal rapport with the man.
For Bentsen, then-Senator Kennedy was a child of privilege, an ivy league, coastal elite liberal who did not understand how “real Americans” felt about the issues facing the country. Whether or not this assessment was “fair”, to Bentsen, it vindicated his own personal feelings toward the man. Lloyd Bentsen considered himself a friend of Bobby’s elder brother, Jack. But he feared that all of Jack Kennedy’s “restraint” had been lost on the ruthless, pugnacious, “snot-nosed” runt of the litter. This was not to mention the professional jealousy that Bentsen felt. It should have been him at the top of the ticket in 1980. It should have been him in the White House.
All of those feelings would evaporate on the afternoon of March 30th.
…
Above: A view of the US Capitol in 1981.
Above: A view of the US Capitol in 1981.
While President Kennedy spoke to the leaders of the AFL-CIO at the Washington Hilton, the vice president was across the city on Capitol Hill, twisting arms and making deals in proverbial (and sometimes literal) “smoke-filled rooms” to get the Long-Ullman Tax Cut passed.
At 2:34 PM, just after the initial report of “Chevalier has been shot”, Bentsen’s secret service detail interrupted his meeting with Republicans on the Senate finance committee. They whisked the vice president (codename - “Longhorn”) away to a secure room within the Capitol and explained the situation to him. Bentsen was, understandably, horrified.
Immediately, the Executive Committee of the National Security Council (EXCOMM) - a body that Robert Kennedy had helped found - sprang into action.
As National Security Advisor, Zbigniew Brzezinski was responsible for crisis management for the executive branch. The Secret Service worked to get him into contact with the vice president as soon as possible so that the continuity of the government could be maintained. The White House counsel’s office was immediately prepared for a transfer of presidential powers under the 27th Amendment. Chief of Staff Ken O’Donnell and other staffers went to Kennedy at the hospital, unaware of the extent of the president’s injuries. Within five minutes of the shooting, members of the Cabinet began gathering in the White House Situation Room.
The Cabinet and the Secret Service were initially unsure whether the shooting was part of a larger attack by terrorists or a foreign intelligence service such as the KGB. Tensions with the Soviet Union were already abnormally high due to the Solidarity movement in Communist Poland and other recent issues. The Cabinet was also concerned that the Soviets would take advantage of the unstable situation to launch a nuclear attack. After the shooting, the American military detected two Soviet ballistic missile submarines patrolling unusually close to the East Coast of the United States, allowing their missiles to reach Washington, D.C., two minutes faster than usual. In response, Secretary of Defense Scoop Jackson responded by placing the Strategic Air Command on high alert.
Bentsen swiftly arrived at the White House and took charge of the situation. With the powers of the presidency temporarily passed onto him as “Acting President” until such time as President Kennedy should be successfully treated, he began to prepare a statement that he could read to the press.
As soon as this was done, he called the hospital and asked to speak to the First Lady. Through her tears, he spoke to her calmly, and told her, in no uncertain terms,
“Mrs. Kennedy, Your husband is a good man. I know it must seem like you are surrounded by darkness right now. Like you cannot find the light. But I need you to have faith. It’s there. You need to believe. For him. For yourself.”
There was a pause. Then she replied.
“Thank you.”
“Of course. If there is anything that I can do for you, please do not hesitate to ask.”
“Would you pray with me?”
“I’d be glad to.”
Then, speaking from the heart, he prayed to Almighty God that Robert F. Kennedy might be spared and that, in his divine mercy, the Lord might bestow strength and courage upon Ethel Kennedy and her children, to help carry them through this dark chapter of their lives. He might have been a Presbyterian, but, Ethel Kennedy had to admit, even her ultra-Catholic husband would have admired his words.
On national television later that evening, Bentsen would also ease the concerns of the people.
“I can reassure this nation and a watching world that the American government is functioning fully and effectively. We've had full and complete communications throughout the day. We the people are in control here.”
…
Meanwhile, back at the Hilton, first responders secured the scene.
Washington metropolitan police arrested Chapman, after securing the .38 revolver he’d used and sending it to the ATF to be traced. After apprehending the shooter, law enforcement’s next objective was to ensure that this incident was not part of a larger plot or terror attack against the federal government.
After being taken into police custody, Chapman was charged with attempting to kill the president, second degree murder (for the death of Mankiewicz), assault on a federal officer, and a myriad of other crimes. It was later discovered that Gloria Chapman had known of her husband's preparations for killing the president, but she took no action because Chapman did not follow through at the time. She did not face any charges. Chapman later said that he harbored a “deep resentment” toward his wife, “that she didn't go to somebody, even the police, and say, ‘Look, my husband's bought a gun and he says he's going to kill Bobby Kennedy.’”
Above: Mark David Chapman, the would-be assassin of President Robert F. Kennedy
…
The doctors brought the president in for surgery just before 2:45 PM. It had been nearly fifteen minutes since he’d been shot. He’d lost nearly two liters of blood. He seemed to be on death’s doorstep.
To keep him alive for long enough to perform the surgery, Kennedy received a number of blood transfusions. Due to the mushroom shape of its impact profile, removing the bullet proved problematic. It stood a high probability of opening up more blood vessels and causing more damage on its way out. The team’s priority shifted. They began to focus on stemming the flow of blood. On patching up the wound. All the while, Kennedy’s blood pressure and heart rate continued to drop.
He began to drift in and out of consciousness.
As he lay there, the immense pain he felt, radiating from the wound in his side, began to fade. A sense of peace and well-being came over him. Even as alarm bells began to ring on a half-dozen machines; his heart rate flatlined. He became increasingly aware of one thought above all others: I am dying.
His perspective shifted.
Suddenly he was outside of his body, hovering near the ceiling of the operating room, looking down. He saw himself lying there, his chest rising and falling with increasingly shallow breaths. He watched, observing the medical personnel performing efforts to resuscitate him. He tried to reach out to them, but found that he could not.
He found himself inside a dark tunnel. At first, he could not see anything at all. Then, he saw everything.
His childhood in Hyannis Port. His time at St. Paul’s School, Portsmouth Priory, and Milton Academy. His time at Harvard and the University of Virginia Law School. His and Ethel’s wedding day. The births of each of their children. Crusading as a senate counselor. The campaigns. The fights, both large and small. Above them all, one theme seemed to define his life: the Cause.
To dream the impossible dream…
It was so hard. The world was so full of darkness, of pain and suffering. How could one man, however privileged his birth, hope to stand against them? He did not know. He thought about laying down his sword. Embracing this peace. Giving up the fight.
To right the unrightable wrong…
At the end of the tunnel, a light appeared. Blinding. He tried to cover his eyes, but found that he couldn’t. This was no earthly light. It was the Light. The light of Heaven. Of the angels.
Bobby gasped.
In its light he saw them: his father, as he had appeared when Bobby was a boy; Joe Jr. at his side, in his aviator’s uniform, grinning wide; Kathleen, whom they had all called “Kick”. His grandparents. His ancestors before them. They opened their arms to him, welcoming him home. Beyond, he could have sworn he could hear music - the sweetest singing - sublime. He didn’t see them, but he could… sense the gates of Heaven, knew that he would soon stand before Saint Peter. Would he be let in? Had he lived well enough to have earned that?
To be willing to march into Hell, for a Heavenly cause…
His father embraced him.
“Are you ready, Bobby?” He asked. Despite his smile, his tone was perfectly neutral. He made it clear that he would not try to sway him. For once, Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr. would let one of his sons decide for himself.
Was he ready? Had he been true to the Cause? Could his heart lie peaceful and calm as he was to be laid to his rest?
He swallowed hard and shook his head.
“I’m sorry, dad. I need to go back there. For Ethel. For the kids. For the country.”
Joe Sr. nodded, understanding. Bobby expected a look of disappointment, even reproach from his father. He’d been on the receiving end of them so many times since he was a boy. None came. Instead, he slapped Bobby’s shoulder.
“That’s my boy. I always knew you were a fighter. The fighter. You’re the toughest one of us, aren’t you? Always have been.” He paused, noticing the tears in his son’s eyes. “Well go on,” he waved his hand. “We’ll be waiting for you. Come back when you’re ready.”
Bobby nodded. He would do that. He would prove himself worthy of that praise, and of entrance to the Heaven he felt must exist, the reward in the ever-after.
He would reach the unreachable star.
Above: Robert F. Kennedy (left) and his father, Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr. (right) on the campaign trail for his brother, Jack, in 1960.
…
“We have a pulse!” The lead surgeon shouted to his team. “He’s coming back to us!”
And so he was.
The president’s heart rate crept back up, as did his blood pressure. Over the next several hours, his condition continued to stabilize. Despite losing more than three liters of blood and requiring numerous transfusions, President Robert F. Kennedy survived the attempt on his life.
As his consciousness returned more fully, he was able to open his eyes and look around.
He was in a private hospital room, surrounded by the Secret Service of course, and Ethel, and the kids. Outside, the sun had set, and a cool, clear night fell over the nation’s capital. His family’s faces brightened when they saw that he’d awoken. Rory, his youngest at only 12, ran to his side and kissed his cheek.
“It’s so good to see you, daddy.” She said, through fresh tears.
The president managed to smile, weakly.
“It’s good to be seen, sweetheart.”
A few minutes later, he received a visit from Lloyd Bentsen. He’d come over from the White House as soon as he heard that Kennedy’s condition had begun to improve. He and Beryl Ann stayed with Ethel until Kennedy woke up, as they wanted to leave the family to share that moment privately. The two men spoke only briefly that night; the hospital staff insisted that the president needed all the rest that he could get. But a bond was forged between them then and there that was stronger than steel. A trust that could not be breached. A newfound respect.
In the days and weeks that followed, more tests were run on the president. They revealed a stark, but promising picture.
The bullet would likely never be able to be removed without seriously risking another fatal bleed. Fortunately, there did not appear to be any signs of infection from the wound, meaning that leaving it lodged in the president’s side was probably the safest option. If it created complications later on, they could and would reassess. Less bright were the tidings about the other soft tissue damage that the round had inflicted on Kennedy’s body.
The nerves which controlled his left leg were, to some extent, shredded by the shock of the impact. This damage was not total, but it was likely permanent. This meant that the president would, with proper rehabilitation and exercise, almost certainly walk again. He would, for the rest of his life, however, require the use of a cane. For a vigorous, lifelong athlete of just fifty-four, this was disheartening to say the least. Bob Kennedy dealt with a lot of anger in the weeks after the attempt on his life. But he also felt a lot of gratitude.
He profusely thanked the hospital staff, who had worked tirelessly to save his life. He thanked his family, Lloyd, and his other friends and allies who had stood by his side. As often as he could, he thanked God for this second chance, this opportunity to continue to fight for The Cause.
He never mentioned his near-death experience to anyone, not even Jack or Ethel. He understood now, as he came to believe, only one who has seen the other side and lived can, that there were some things that were better left kept to oneself.
Memento mori. He repeated to himself daily, along with his other prayers and devotions. Amor fati.
…
Above: Courtroom sketch of the trial of Mark David Chapman.
Above: Courtroom sketch of the trial of Mark David Chapman.
More than a dozen psychologists and psychiatrists interviewed Chapman in the six months prior to his trial - three for the prosecution, six for the defense, as well as several more on behalf of the court. They conducted a battery of standard diagnostic procedures and more than 200 hours of clinical interviews. All six defense experts concluded that Chapman was psychotic; five diagnosed paranoid schizophrenia, while the sixth felt that his symptoms were more consistent with manic depression. The three prosecution experts declared that his delusions fell short of psychosis and instead diagnosed various personality disorders. The court-appointed experts concurred with the prosecution's examiners that Chapman was delusional yet competent to stand trial. In the examinations, Chapman was more cooperative with the prosecution's mental health experts than with those for the defense. This led one psychiatrist to conjecture that Chapman did not wish to be considered “crazy” and was persuaded that the defense experts only declared him insane because they were hired to do so.
Charles McGowan had been pastor of Chapman's church in Decatur, Georgia, and he visited Chapman in jail.
“I believe there was a demonic power at work on him.” McGowan said.
Chapman initially embraced his old religion with new fervor as a result; but McGowan revealed information that Chapman had told him in confidence to the press. This caused Chapman to disavow his renewed interest in Christianity and revert to his initial explanation: he had attempted to kill Kennedy to strike a blow against “cultural marxism”, and to raise public awareness of the “Jewish plot to control America”.
Chapman’s court-appointed attorney, Gabriel Griffiths, attempted to convince Chapman to enter a not-guilty plea by reason of insanity. He pointed to the experts’ assessments as strong evidence of their case. Yet Chapman refused to do so. He insisted that “God demanded he enter a guilty plea”. If he “admitted” that he was insane, and thus, unfit to stand trial, he would “be betraying all of his fellow Birchers across the nation”. He continued to insist, in statements mailed to The Washington Post and other press outlets, that the “Marxist plot” was real. He disavowed his “communist” court-appointed attorney and entered a guilty plea. Despite Griffiths’ efforts to have the plea thrown out by the judge, Chapman was held to be competent to stand trial.
The trial began more than a year after the assassination attempt, in April 1982.
Ultimately, Chapman was sentenced to twenty years imprisonment for the attempt on the president’s life, as well as another twenty-five years for the murder of Frank Mankiewicz and the other charges. Staring down the very real possibility of spending the rest of his life in prison, Chapman appeared to express “no regrets” about his actions, according to his attorney. The judge also ordered that Chapman undergo psychiatric treatment while in prison.
For his part, President Kennedy expressed sorrow and grief at the losses encountered at the Hilton that day. Frank Mankiewicz was a close ally, a trusted member of the administration, and a good friend. In the days after the assassination attempt, Kennedy personally visited Mankiewicz’s sons, Josh and Ben, to offer his condolences. He also visited Officer Mills in the hospital, and later, invited Fred Fasulo, the labor official who had attacked Chapman, to visit him at the White House.
The American people greeted the news of Kennedy’s survival with relief. The entire incident brought back terrible memories of JFK’s near miss in Dallas, as well as George Romney’s tragic death in Milwaukee. In the days and weeks that followed, Kennedy saw a noticeable boost in his poll numbers, already heightened due to his ongoing honeymoon period.
Toward Chapman, Kennedy would famously show pity, as Jack Kennedy had shown Lee Harvey Oswald nearly two decades prior. Though RFK did not comment on Chapman’s trial as it was ongoing, and he did not want to bias witnesses involved one way or another, he privately told Ethel that he thought Chapman was “obviously unwell”.
RFK did not want to politicize the tragedy in any way, but he knew that a great wrong had been committed, and that justice needed to be served. His moral compass had been activated. In addition to the ERTA, his other big legislative push for the year would be on trying to prevent another tragedy like this. He would propose what would ultimately come to be called the Mankiewicz Handgun Violence Prevention Act, named in honor of his fallen friend. The bill mandated federal background checks on all firearm purchases in the United States, and imposed a five-day waiting period on all purchases. The intention of the act was to prevent persons with previous serious criminal convictions or a history of pronounced mental illness from purchasing firearms.
The bill was passed by the House on November 10th, 1981, and by the Senate ten days later. Likewise, the ERTA (Long-Ullman Tax Cut) was introduced in July of that year, made its way through the House and Senate, and ultimately to the president’s desk. It included a modest Value-Added Tax, as well as a tax on international currency transactions, but no reductions to the rates on the top income brackets. Overall, RFK was pleased with the final version of the bill.
Before the end of the year, President Kennedy signed them both into law.
Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: Back to Domestic Politics
Best writing ever. Words cannot even describe.Chapter 148 - The Impossible Dream: Will President Robert Kennedy Survive?Above: Vice President (Acting President) Lloyd Bentsen (D - TX) holds a press conference at the White House on the evening of March 30th, 1981 (left); First Lady Ethel Kennedy caught on camera on her way to GWU Hospital to see her husband (right).
“To dream the impossible dream
To fight the unbeatable foe
To bear with unbearable sorrow
And to run where the brave dare not go
To right the unrightable wrong
And to love pure and chaste from afar
To try when your arms are too weary
To reach the unreachable star
This is my quest
To follow that star
No matter how hopeless
No matter how far
To fight for the right
Without question or pause
To be willing to march, march into Hell
For a Heavenly cause
And I know if I'll only be true
To this glorious quest
That my heart will lie peaceful and calm
When I'm laid to my rest
And the world will be better for this
That one man, scorned and covered with scars
Still strove with his last ounce of courage
To reach the unreachable star” - “The Impossible Dream” from Man of La Mancha, President Robert F. Kennedy’s favorite song
“He who learns must suffer. And even in our sleep pain that cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart, and in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdom to us by the awful grace of God.” - Aeschylus
On the morning of March 30th, 1981, Lloyd M. Bentsen, Jr. awoke, as he had every morning for the past four years, at the Naval Observatory, official residence of the vice president.
Bentsen lived there with his wife, Second Lady Beryl Ann Bentsen. Their three children (sons Lloyd III and Lan and daughter Tina) were all grown, with families of their own, back in Texas. Lloyd III and his wife had already given the VP his first grandchildren; Lloyd Jr. (the VP) was a family man, and had been since he was a boy.
Above: Mission, Texas, Lloyd Bentsen’s hometown in the 1920s.
Bentsen was born February 11th, 1921 in Mission in Hidalgo County, Texas to Lloyd Millard Bentsen Sr. (known as "Big Lloyd"), a first-generation Danish-American, and his wife, Edna Ruth (nee Colbath). The elder Bentsen's parents, Peter and Tena, had come from Denmark to be homesteaders and farmers at Argo Township, near White and Brookings, South Dakota. There, they experienced many hardships, including loss of their first dwelling and belongings to fire, crop failure, and poor medical care.
Their son (Lloyd Sr.) started out harvesting and taming mustangs for local farmers, then served in the United States Signal Corps during World War I. He and Edna accompanied his parents on their relocation to the "citrus and vegetable utopia" of Sharyland, Texas, where Peter Bentsen worked as a land agent for Sharyland's founder, John H. Shary, and started a nursery seedling business. Lloyd Sr. and his brother Elmer helped with the family business, investing in land purchase, becoming the “premier colonizers and developers of Hidalgo County”.
Years later, at age 15, Lloyd Jr. graduated from Sharyland High School in Mission. He was an Eagle Scout and received the Distinguished Eagle Scout Award from the Boy Scouts of America. Bentsen graduated from the University of Texas School of Law with an LL.B. degree in 1942 and was admitted to the bar, but joined the military in order to serve in World War II.
After a brief stint as a private in intelligence work in Brazil, he was trained to become a pilot. In early 1944, he began flying combat missions in B-24 Liberator bombers from Foggia, Italy, with the 449th Bomb Group. At age 23, he was promoted to major and given command of a squadron of 600 men, overseeing the operations of fifteen bombers, their crews, and their maintenance units. He was promoted to lieutenant colonel before being discharged in 1947.
Bentsen flew thirty-five missions against many heavily defended targets, including the Ploiești oil fields in Romania, which were critical to the Nazi war production. The 15th Air Force, which included the 449th Bomb Group, destroyed all petroleum production within its range, eliminating about half of Nazi Germany's sources of fuel. Bentsen's unit also flew against communications centers, aircraft factories and industrial targets in Germany, Italy, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria. Bentsen participated in raids in support of the Anzio campaign and flew missions against targets in preparation for the landing in southern France. He was shot down twice. For his actions in the air service, he was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross, as well as the Air Medal with three Oak Leaf Clusters. He continued to serve in the US Air Force Reserves until 1959, eventually retiring with the rank of colonel.
After the war, Bentsen returned to his native Rio Grande Valley.
First elected to the US House of Representatives in the Truman re-election campaign of 1948, he would go on to serve three successive terms in the House. With the South, including Texas, still dominated by yellow dog Democrats, winning the Democratic nomination was tantamount to election, and Bentsen was unopposed by Republicans in each of his three House campaigns. He became a protégé of Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn and developed a reputation as an excellent poker player. He eventually left the House following the 1954 elections, returning for a time to his private law practice.
Above: Lloyd Bentsen (D - TX) as a US representative in the early 1950s.
After failing to unseat liberal Senator Ralph Yarborough in the Democratic primary of 1964, Bentsen considered giving up any political ambitions. This changed following the suggestion that he run for the Texas governorship in 1972. He managed to win both the Democratic primary and the general election, defeating Republican Henry Grover. As governor, Bentsen built a record as a decidedly centrist Democrat, favoring pro-business policies in the name of job creation and long-term economic development for the state. With fellow Texan George Bush in the White House, Bentsen reached across party lines and worked with the president on a number of infrastructure projects for the Lone Star state. Bentsen was comfortably reelected in 1974, despite Republican gains that year, and used his second term to cement both his stature within state politics and to raise his national profile.
As previously chronicled, Bentsen sought the Democratic presidential nomination in 1976, eventually finishing second in the primaries behind eventual winner Mo Udall. Upon taking the stage as a national figure, Bentsen tried to pivot somewhat toward a more “communitarian” stance - raising his social conservative bonafides and coming out against the party platform on abortion. He then moderated that stance when he joined the Democratic ticket.
As vice president, Bentsen was a crucial player in passing legislation, especially expanding Medicare into a universal program (aka “MoCare”). Using skills he learned from his old mentor, Rayburn, Bentsen whipped votes and helped Mo Udall understand just who his allies and enemies were - whether within the Republican ranks or his own party. He also maintained better relations with Congress than Udall did. Whereas Udall came off as a “starry eyed idealist”, Bentsen was practical - “your daddy’s Democrat”. Bentsen felt, justifiably, that he was a crucial player in Udall’s successes in office. Thus, when Udall announced his decision not to seek a second term, but did not formally endorse Bentsen, the vice president felt more than a bit betrayed.
Udall tried to explain to Lloyd that it wasn’t personal, that, had he endorsed him, it would have rubbed many in the party the wrong way, that it would be seen as him “putting his thumb on the scales” and “disrupting the democratic process”. Bentsen accepted this, but harbored his own personal suspicion: that Udall had always been pulling for a victory by Bob Kennedy. Udall and Kennedy were good friends, after all. They swam in similar schools of thought, at the liberal-progressive wing of the party. A Kennedy presidency might better preserve Udall’s legacy than one by Bentsen.
Nevertheless, Lloyd fought like Hell in the primaries. Unfortunately, he never managed to win over the party base. Once again, he finished second. As previously mentioned, he considered declining RFK’s offer to remain on the ticket for vice president. He ultimately accepted because he felt that if he declined, his career in public office was essentially finished. He could go back to private law practice, but he felt he still had more to give his country. In March of 1981, he was only sixty, no spring chicken, but not ancient either. He agreed to remain as vice president.
Above: Senator Robert F. Kennedy prepares for the third presidential debate with former Vice President Ronald Reagan (left); Vice President Lloyd Bentsen prepares for the vice presidential debate with Senator Howard Baker, October 1980.
That said, beginning at the Democratic convention in August 1980, Kennedy and Bentsen had a cordial, if somewhat distant working relationship. Though they agreed that defeating an “uncompromising conservative” like Ronald Reagan was in the national interest, each harbored mistrust of the other.
For Kennedy, Bentsen represented the aspect of politics which Kennedy found most distasteful - arm-twisting and exchanges of pork made over filthy jokes and games of cards in smoke-filled rooms. Another Rayburn-pupil, Lyndon Johnson, had been RFK’s arch-nemesis for years before finally giving up the ghost back in ‘73. Since then, Bob Kennedy had sought to strengthen his brand of democratic politics - bold, hopeful, and idealistic. Though he respected Bentsen, he felt no personal rapport with the man.
For Bentsen, then-Senator Kennedy was a child of privilege, an ivy league, coastal elite liberal who did not understand how “real Americans” felt about the issues facing the country. Whether or not this assessment was “fair”, to Bentsen, it vindicated his own personal feelings toward the man. Lloyd Bentsen considered himself a friend of Bobby’s elder brother, Jack. But he feared that all of Jack Kennedy’s “restraint” had been lost on the ruthless, pugnacious, “snot-nosed” runt of the litter. This was not to mention the professional jealousy that Bentsen felt. It should have been him at the top of the ticket in 1980. It should have been him in the White House.
All of those feelings would evaporate on the afternoon of March 30th.
…
Above: A view of the US Capitol in 1981.
While President Kennedy spoke to the leaders of the AFL-CIO at the Washington Hilton, the vice president was across the city on Capitol Hill, twisting arms and making deals in proverbial (and sometimes literal) “smoke-filled rooms” to get the Long-Ullman Tax Cut passed.
At 2:34 PM, just after the initial report of “Chevalier has been shot”, Bentsen’s secret service detail interrupted his meeting with Republicans on the Senate finance committee. They whisked the vice president (codename - “Longhorn”) away to a secure room within the Capitol and explained the situation to him. Bentsen was, understandably, horrified.
Immediately, the Executive Committee of the National Security Council (EXCOMM) - a body that Robert Kennedy had helped found - sprang into action.
As National Security Advisor, Zbigniew Brzezinski was responsible for crisis management for the executive branch. The Secret Service worked to get him into contact with the vice president as soon as possible so that the continuity of the government could be maintained. The White House counsel’s office was immediately prepared for a transfer of presidential powers under the 27th Amendment. Chief of Staff Ken O’Donnell and other staffers went to Kennedy at the hospital, unaware of the extent of the president’s injuries. Within five minutes of the shooting, members of the Cabinet began gathering in the White House Situation Room.
The Cabinet and the Secret Service were initially unsure whether the shooting was part of a larger attack by terrorists or a foreign intelligence service such as the KGB. Tensions with the Soviet Union were already abnormally high due to the Solidarity movement in Communist Poland and other recent issues. The Cabinet was also concerned that the Soviets would take advantage of the unstable situation to launch a nuclear attack. After the shooting, the American military detected two Soviet ballistic missile submarines patrolling unusually close to the East Coast of the United States, allowing their missiles to reach Washington, D.C., two minutes faster than usual. In response, Secretary of Defense Scoop Jackson responded by placing the Strategic Air Command on high alert.
Bentsen swiftly arrived at the White House and took charge of the situation. With the powers of the presidency temporarily passed onto him as “Acting President” until such time as President Kennedy should be successfully treated, he began to prepare a statement that he could read to the press.
As soon as this was done, he called the hospital and asked to speak to the First Lady. Through her tears, he spoke to her calmly, and told her, in no uncertain terms,
“Mrs. Kennedy, Your husband is a good man. I know it must seem like you are surrounded by darkness right now. Like you cannot find the light. But I need you to have faith. It’s there. You need to believe. For him. For yourself.”
There was a pause. Then she replied.
“Thank you.”
“Of course. If there is anything that I can do for you, please do not hesitate to ask.”
“Would you pray with me?”
“I’d be glad to.”
Then, speaking from the heart, he prayed to Almighty God that Robert F. Kennedy might be spared and that, in his divine mercy, the Lord might bestow strength and courage upon Ethel Kennedy and her children, to help carry them through this dark chapter of their lives. He might have been a Presbyterian, but, Ethel Kennedy had to admit, even her ultra-Catholic husband would have admired his words.
On national television later that evening, Bentsen would also ease the concerns of the people.
“I can reassure this nation and a watching world that the American government is functioning fully and effectively. We've had full and complete communications throughout the day. We the people are in control here.”
…
Meanwhile, back at the Hilton, first responders secured the scene.
Washington metropolitan police arrested Chapman, after securing the .38 revolver he’d used and sending it to the ATF to be traced. After apprehending the shooter, law enforcement’s next objective was to ensure that this incident was not part of a larger plot or terror attack against the federal government.
After being taken into police custody, Chapman was charged with attempting to kill the president, second degree murder (for the death of Mankiewicz), assault on a federal officer, and a myriad of other crimes. It was later discovered that Gloria Chapman had known of her husband's preparations for killing the president, but she took no action because Chapman did not follow through at the time. She did not face any charges. Chapman later said that he harbored a “deep resentment” toward his wife, “that she didn't go to somebody, even the police, and say, ‘Look, my husband's bought a gun and he says he's going to kill Bobby Kennedy.’”
Above: George Washington University Hospital, where President Robert Kennedy was brought following the attempt on his life, March 30th, 1981. Pictured here in 2018.
Above: Mark David Chapman, the would-be assassin of President Robert F. Kennedy
…
The doctors brought the president in for surgery just before 2:45 PM. It had been nearly fifteen minutes since he’d been shot. He’d lost nearly two liters of blood. He seemed to be on death’s doorstep.
To keep him alive for long enough to perform the surgery, Kennedy received a number of blood transfusions. Due to the mushroom shape of its impact profile, removing the bullet proved problematic. It stood a high probability of opening up more blood vessels and causing more damage on its way out. The team’s priority shifted. They began to focus on stemming the flow of blood. On patching up the wound. All the while, Kennedy’s blood pressure and heart rate continued to drop.
He began to drift in and out of consciousness.
As he lay there, the immense pain he felt, radiating from the wound in his side, began to fade. A sense of peace and well-being came over him. Even as alarm bells began to ring on a half-dozen machines; his heart rate flatlined. He became increasingly aware of one thought above all others: I am dying.
His perspective shifted.
Suddenly he was outside of his body, hovering near the ceiling of the operating room, looking down. He saw himself lying there, his chest rising and falling with increasingly shallow breaths. He watched, observing the medical personnel performing efforts to resuscitate him. He tried to reach out to them, but found that he could not.
He found himself inside a dark tunnel. At first, he could not see anything at all. Then, he saw everything.
His childhood in Hyannis Port. His time at St. Paul’s School, Portsmouth Priory, and Milton Academy. His time at Harvard and the University of Virginia Law School. His and Ethel’s wedding day. The births of each of their children. Crusading as a senate counselor. The campaigns. The fights, both large and small. Above them all, one theme seemed to define his life: the Cause.
To dream the impossible dream…
It was so hard. The world was so full of darkness, of pain and suffering. How could one man, however privileged his birth, hope to stand against them? He did not know. He thought about laying down his sword. Embracing this peace. Giving up the fight.
To right the unrightable wrong…
At the end of the tunnel, a light appeared. Blinding. He tried to cover his eyes, but found that he couldn’t. This was no earthly light. It was the Light. The light of Heaven. Of the angels.
Bobby gasped.
In its light he saw them: his father, as he had appeared when Bobby was a boy; Joe Jr. at his side, in his aviator’s uniform, grinning wide; Kathleen, whom they had all called “Kick”. His grandparents. His ancestors before them. They opened their arms to him, welcoming him home. Beyond, he could have sworn he could hear music - the sweetest singing - sublime. He didn’t see them, but he could… sense the gates of Heaven, knew that he would soon stand before Saint Peter. Would he be let in? Had he lived well enough to have earned that?
To be willing to march into Hell, for a Heavenly cause…
His father embraced him.
“Are you ready, Bobby?” He asked. Despite his smile, his tone was perfectly neutral. He made it clear that he would not try to sway him. For once, Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr. would let one of his sons decide for himself.
Was he ready? Had he been true to the Cause? Could his heart lie peaceful and calm as he was to be laid to his rest?
He swallowed hard and shook his head.
“I’m sorry, dad. I need to go back there. For Ethel. For the kids. For the country.”
Joe Sr. nodded, understanding. Bobby expected a look of disappointment, even reproach from his father. He’d been on the receiving end of them so many times since he was a boy. None came. Instead, he slapped Bobby’s shoulder.
“That’s my boy. I always knew you were a fighter. The fighter. You’re the toughest one of us, aren’t you? Always have been.” He paused, noticing the tears in his son’s eyes. “Well go on,” he waved his hand. “We’ll be waiting for you. Come back when you’re ready.”
Bobby nodded. He would do that. He would prove himself worthy of that praise, and of entrance to the Heaven he felt must exist, the reward in the ever-after.
He would reach the unreachable star.
Above: Robert F. Kennedy (left) and his father, Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr. (right) on the campaign trail for his brother, Jack, in 1960.
…
“We have a pulse!” The lead surgeon shouted to his team. “He’s coming back to us!”
And so he was.
The president’s heart rate crept back up, as did his blood pressure. Over the next several hours, his condition continued to stabilize. Despite losing more than three liters of blood and requiring numerous transfusions, President Robert F. Kennedy survived the attempt on his life.
As his consciousness returned more fully, he was able to open his eyes and look around.
He was in a private hospital room, surrounded by the Secret Service of course, and Ethel, and the kids. Outside, the sun had set, and a cool, clear night fell over the nation’s capital. His family’s faces brightened when they saw that he’d awoken. Rory, his youngest at only 12, ran to his side and kissed his cheek.
“It’s so good to see you, daddy.” She said, through fresh tears.
The president managed to smile, weakly.
“It’s good to be seen, sweetheart.”
A few minutes later, he received a visit from Lloyd Bentsen. He’d come over from the White House as soon as he heard that Kennedy’s condition had begun to improve. He and Beryl Ann stayed with Ethel until Kennedy woke up, as they wanted to leave the family to share that moment privately. The two men spoke only briefly that night; the hospital staff insisted that the president needed all the rest that he could get. But a bond was forged between them then and there that was stronger than steel. A trust that could not be breached. A newfound respect.
In the days and weeks that followed, more tests were run on the president. They revealed a stark, but promising picture.
The bullet would likely never be able to be removed without seriously risking another fatal bleed. Fortunately, there did not appear to be any signs of infection from the wound, meaning that leaving it lodged in the president’s side was probably the safest option. If it created complications later on, they could and would reassess. Less bright were the tidings about the other soft tissue damage that the round had inflicted on Kennedy’s body.
The nerves which controlled his left leg were, to some extent, shredded by the shock of the impact. This damage was not total, but it was likely permanent. This meant that the president would, with proper rehabilitation and exercise, almost certainly walk again. He would, for the rest of his life, however, require the use of a cane. For a vigorous, lifelong athlete of just fifty-four, this was disheartening to say the least. Bob Kennedy dealt with a lot of anger in the weeks after the attempt on his life. But he also felt a lot of gratitude.
He profusely thanked the hospital staff, who had worked tirelessly to save his life. He thanked his family, Lloyd, and his other friends and allies who had stood by his side. As often as he could, he thanked God for this second chance, this opportunity to continue to fight for The Cause.
He never mentioned his near-death experience to anyone, not even Jack or Ethel. He understood now, as he came to believe, only one who has seen the other side and lived can, that there were some things that were better left kept to oneself.
Memento mori. He repeated to himself daily, along with his other prayers and devotions. Amor fati.
Above: In the weeks and months after the attempt on his life, President Robert F. Kennedy was described as even more somber and serious than usual, and more intensely religious. He’d been given another chance. He wasn’t going to squander it.
…
Above: Courtroom sketch of the trial of Mark David Chapman.
More than a dozen psychologists and psychiatrists interviewed Chapman in the six months prior to his trial - three for the prosecution, six for the defense, as well as several more on behalf of the court. They conducted a battery of standard diagnostic procedures and more than 200 hours of clinical interviews. All six defense experts concluded that Chapman was psychotic; five diagnosed paranoid schizophrenia, while the sixth felt that his symptoms were more consistent with manic depression. The three prosecution experts declared that his delusions fell short of psychosis and instead diagnosed various personality disorders. The court-appointed experts concurred with the prosecution's examiners that Chapman was delusional yet competent to stand trial. In the examinations, Chapman was more cooperative with the prosecution's mental health experts than with those for the defense. This led one psychiatrist to conjecture that Chapman did not wish to be considered “crazy” and was persuaded that the defense experts only declared him insane because they were hired to do so.
Charles McGowan had been pastor of Chapman's church in Decatur, Georgia, and he visited Chapman in jail.
“I believe there was a demonic power at work on him.” McGowan said.
Chapman initially embraced his old religion with new fervor as a result; but McGowan revealed information that Chapman had told him in confidence to the press. This caused Chapman to disavow his renewed interest in Christianity and revert to his initial explanation: he had attempted to kill Kennedy to strike a blow against “cultural marxism”, and to raise public awareness of the “Jewish plot to control America”.
Chapman’s court-appointed attorney, Gabriel Griffiths, attempted to convince Chapman to enter a not-guilty plea by reason of insanity. He pointed to the experts’ assessments as strong evidence of their case. Yet Chapman refused to do so. He insisted that “God demanded he enter a guilty plea”. If he “admitted” that he was insane, and thus, unfit to stand trial, he would “be betraying all of his fellow Birchers across the nation”. He continued to insist, in statements mailed to The Washington Post and other press outlets, that the “Marxist plot” was real. He disavowed his “communist” court-appointed attorney and entered a guilty plea. Despite Griffiths’ efforts to have the plea thrown out by the judge, Chapman was held to be competent to stand trial.
The trial began more than a year after the assassination attempt, in April 1982.
Ultimately, Chapman was sentenced to twenty years imprisonment for the attempt on the president’s life, as well as another twenty-five years for the murder of Frank Mankiewicz and the other charges. Staring down the very real possibility of spending the rest of his life in prison, Chapman appeared to express “no regrets” about his actions, according to his attorney. The judge also ordered that Chapman undergo psychiatric treatment while in prison.
For his part, President Kennedy expressed sorrow and grief at the losses encountered at the Hilton that day. Frank Mankiewicz was a close ally, a trusted member of the administration, and a good friend. In the days after the assassination attempt, Kennedy personally visited Mankiewicz’s sons, Josh and Ben, to offer his condolences. He also visited Officer Mills in the hospital, and later, invited Fred Fasulo, the labor official who had attacked Chapman, to visit him at the White House.
The American people greeted the news of Kennedy’s survival with relief. The entire incident brought back terrible memories of JFK’s near miss in Dallas, as well as George Romney’s tragic death in Milwaukee. In the days and weeks that followed, Kennedy saw a noticeable boost in his poll numbers, already heightened due to his ongoing honeymoon period.
Toward Chapman, Kennedy would famously show pity, as Jack Kennedy had shown Lee Harvey Oswald nearly two decades prior. Though RFK did not comment on Chapman’s trial as it was ongoing, and he did not want to bias witnesses involved one way or another, he privately told Ethel that he thought Chapman was “obviously unwell”.
RFK did not want to politicize the tragedy in any way, but he knew that a great wrong had been committed, and that justice needed to be served. His moral compass had been activated. In addition to the ERTA, his other big legislative push for the year would be on trying to prevent another tragedy like this. He would propose what would ultimately come to be called the Mankiewicz Handgun Violence Prevention Act, named in honor of his fallen friend. The bill mandated federal background checks on all firearm purchases in the United States, and imposed a five-day waiting period on all purchases. The intention of the act was to prevent persons with previous serious criminal convictions or a history of pronounced mental illness from purchasing firearms.
The bill was passed by the House on November 10th, 1981, and by the Senate ten days later. Likewise, the ERTA (Long-Ullman Tax Cut) was introduced in July of that year, made its way through the House and Senate, and ultimately to the president’s desk. It included a modest Value-Added Tax, as well as a tax on international currency transactions, but no reductions to the rates on the top income brackets. Overall, RFK was pleased with the final version of the bill.
Before the end of the year, President Kennedy signed them both into law.
Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: Back to Domestic Politics
An amazing chapter, as always. Bobby's experience was very well-written, in particular. I'd see Republicans make strong efforts against the John Burch Society after one of it's own members tried to kill the President.
Thank the Gods! I was so worried when the first part of the chapter was to Bentsen focussed. I thought for sure that you were leading up to him taking over. But long live RFK! And good to see him passing gun control laws too!
That being said, I already like him more now