Chapter 140 - Once in a Lifetime: The 1980 Presidential Election
Above: Senator Robert F. Kennedy (D - NY) and
Former Vice President Ronald Reagan (R - CA), presidential nominees for the Democratic and Republican parties respectively in 1980.
“Letting the days go by, let the water hold me down
Letting the days go by, water flowing underground
Into the blue again, after the money's gone
Once in a lifetime, water flowing underground
Same as it ever was, same as it ever was” - “Once in a Lifetime” by the Talking Heads
“The future doesn’t belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave.” - Ronald Reagan
“There are people in every time and every land who want to stop history in its tracks. They fear the future, mistrust the present, and invoke the security of a comfortable past which, in fact, never existed.” - Robert F. Kennedy
America stood at a crossroads.
Throughout the “Seesaw Seventies”, the United States underwent a wrenching period of low economic growth, high inflation and high interest rates. These were exacerbated by intermittent energy crises, caused first by monetary policy domestically, and later, by various conflicts in the Middle East. Though at first, the Republican administrations of George Romney and George Bush were blamed for bringing on these economic woes, after four years of Democratic governance under Mo Udall, the American people felt burnt. As a new decade dawned, inflation was, at long last, on the decline. Unemployment, however, remained high, nearly 8% across the nation.
Though Udall had been a comforting presence in the White House, what with his wit and jovial good nature, and though he had made significant investment in America’s future, at present, his policies, including his controversial breaking up of the “Seven Sisters” oil companies, had failed to bring about immediate economic relief. Indeed, as the fossil fuel industry reeled in the aftermath of the Supreme Court case that ordered their breakup, gas prices went
up, not down.
What was more, with the removal of Yuri Andropov from power in the Soviet Union, replaced by the “New Troika” of hardliners Suslov, Ustinov, and Gromyko, the Cold War seemed to be heating up once again. Udall, for all his charm, was widely seen as “well-intentioned, but ineffectual” on foreign policy. He was diplomatic, certainly. But he seemed to lack the toughness that Americans expected of their Commander in Chief. This was probably an unfair assessment, but historians would not be able to say this conclusively until decades later.
Then, as if that weren’t enough uncertainty to deal with heading into an election year, President Udall announced, in the summer of 1979, that he would not seek a second term. Diagnosed with Parkinson’s Disease, he felt that it would be irresponsible of him to do so. The Democratic field had been blown open. In the end, the Democrats chose Senator Robert Francis Kennedy of New York to head their ticket in 1980.
Younger brother of former President John F. Kennedy, RFK, as he was affectionately known by his supporters, was widely seen as the heir to his brother’s political legacy. His nomination was an affirmation of the Democratic party’s commitment to New Deal/New Frontier style liberalism. Indeed, Bob Kennedy was one of the most progressive voices in the party. A devout Catholic, he saw the world in purely moralistic terms. There was good that needed defending, and evil that needed to be vanquished. He believed in what he and his brother Ted called “the Cause” or “the Dream” - a more just, equitable society for all. He would fight for this Dream forever.
Just as Jack Kennedy had loved the Broadway musical
Camelot, Bob Kennedy loved
Man of La Mancha. Don Quixote’s signature song in that play, “The Impossible Dream” became a favorite of Kennedy’s, and served as a sort of unofficial campaign anthem.
At the Democratic National Convention in New York City, Kennedy accepted the nomination with a rousing speech, arguably the best of his career up to that point, which would come to be titled “A Tiny Ripple of Hope”. He argued that the mistakes of the 1970s need not be repeated in the 1980s. He expressed his firm belief that America could and would continue to serve as a “refuge for the tired, for the poor, for the huddled masses yearning to breathe free”.
“There is a guiding star in the American firmament.” Kennedy declared.
“It is as old as the revolutionary belief that all people are created equal. And it is as clear as the contemporary condition of Liberty City and the South Bronx. Again and again Democratic leaders have followed that star and they have given new meaning to the old values of liberty and justice for all.”
Choosing incumbent Vice President Lloyd Bentsen of Texas as his running mate, Kennedy cast himself as the candidate of “all Americans” - of every race, color, and creed. His was a campaign to renew hope in America.
To oppose him, the Republicans nominated a man who, in just about every conceivable way, was Bob Kennedy’s ideological opposite.
A former actor, union president, Governor of California, and Vice President of the United States, Ronald Wilson Reagan also believed very strongly in a hopeful vision of America.
A red-blooded conservative in the mold of Barry Goldwater, Reagan’s ascent to the apex of American politics had been truly remarkable. Though his ideology flew in the face of decades of post-war consensus, Reagan made his beliefs seem not only palatable, but reasonable to many Americans. Known as “the Great Communicator”, Reagan used his screen training and considerable wit to disarm critiques of his age, his perceived lack of intellect, and even his strongly conservative views. He pointed to the “malaise” of the 1970s as “proof” that the post-war liberal consensus had failed the American people.
“Only by returning to our roots, to our founding,” Reagan declared in his own acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention in Detroit.
“Can we find the renewal we so desperately seek.”
To be blunt, Reagan’s America was not the “teeming shores” of multicultural, cosmopolitan cities; his was a nostalgic view of small town life and old-fashioned “family values”. Reagan didn’t just want to stop America’s “gradual march to the left” as he called it, he advocated rolling back the clock.
Thus was the stage set for the most monumental presidential election in decades. Not since 1932 had a national election so clearly presented a choice in political ideology to American voters. Would they reaffirm their commitment to social and economic liberalism? Or, in their moment of doubt, would they accept the tempting promise of returning to a comfortable past?
The race was on.
…
Above: Ronald Reagan (R - CA) on the campaign trail in Nashville, Tennessee.
Immediately after the two parties held their conventions, national polls by Gallup and other organizations showed the candidates both hovering around 40% support. Though the Republican Convention had been a bit of a disaster, especially concerning the floor fights over the platform and the fact that Reagan’s acceptance speech did not air until nearly 2:00 AM EST, most Americans seemed willing to look past this and see what their nominee had to say. Despite fond memories for Bob Kennedy’s brother, many Americans did not trust the Democratic Party to turn the economy around, or to stand up firmly to renewed communist aggression abroad.
Hoping to capitalize on this, Reagan and his campaign staff embarked on an ambitious, two-pronged strategy.
First, they would target long-held Democratic strongholds, especially in the South. With an "ultra-liberal" in Kennedy on the top of the ticket, Reagan felt that he could win over disaffected communitarian Democrats, who were not swayed by Kennedy’s retention of Lloyd Bentsen on the ticket. Second, they would go after blue-collar workers, the real backbone of the Democratic coalition. Reagan, with his firmly “right to work” beliefs, would never be endorsed by the AFL-CIO or any other union, for that matter, though this was not for lack of trying. When Jimmy Hoffa, disgraced former president of the Teamsters and newly released from prison in March of 1980, offered to try and get his union to endorse Reagan in 1980, in exchange for an “understanding” with the would-be president for Hoffa to pursue his ascent back to the top of the labor world, Reagan politely, but firmly, turned him down.
Reagan did not believe that accepting the Teamsters’ endorsement (and compromising Reagan’s personal integrity) would shift the needle enough to matter in the grand scheme of things. Nor did his campaign manager, William Casey. Reagan appealed to blue-collar workers' socially conservative beliefs, as well as their latent anti-communism. Indeed, Reagan projected an upbeat, optimistic image. His slogan, “Come Home, America”, appealed to both Main Street and Wall Street alike. In his stump speech, Reagan emphasized “peace through strength” and “returning economic power to the people”.
Incidentally, 1980 would prove to be the last gasp of mainstream relevance that Hoffa would have in American politics. Barred even from his local chapter of the Teamsters in Detroit, Hoffa lived in quiet obscurity until his death from cardiac arrest in the summer of 1985. He was seventy-two years old.
Interestingly, religion seemed to play a not insignificant role in early polling for the race. While evangelical protestants, especially in the South, remained split (roughly evenly) between the two candidates, Catholics
overwhelmingly favored Senator Kennedy. "Clan mentality” may explain some of this.
Irish-Americans, Polish-Americans, Italian-Americans, and other “white ethnics” saw an aspirational hope for themselves in the Kennedy family. Indeed, Bob Kennedy was, according to a Gallup poll, the third most well-known Catholic in the country, after only Pope Stanislaus and Kennedy’s brother, JFK. Kennedy’s devotion to his Catholic faith resonated strongly with many of his fellow Catholics across the United States. And though some conservative Catholics (and the Reagan campaign) would try to dislodge some of that support by pointing to Kennedy’s pro-choice position on abortion, Kennedy disarmed this attack by pointing to the GOP’s own internal disarray on the issue. The Senator also coined what would become the go-to liberal response to abortion as a political issue: “I want to make abortion in this country safe, legal, and rare. My faith informs my own personal beliefs; but we have freedom of conscience, of religion, here in the United States.”
In contrast to Reagan, whose image could best be summed up as “wistful older neighbor”, Kennedy, who was fourteen years his opponent’s junior at 54, appeared youthful and vigorous by comparison. The Senator projected an image of himself as a father figure for the nation, full of gentle strength and noble courage. He would listen to your problems, hear you, and soothe your pain. He would embrace you and fight for you. Seek justice against those who had wronged you. Bob Kennedy was in your corner. This image was reinforced by his well-known reputation as a loyal husband and doting father. Appearing at campaign events alongside his beloved wife, Ethel, and several of their eleven children, Senator Kennedy evoked fond memories of Jack and Jackie Kennedy and their children.
Above: Robert Kennedy (D - NY) on the campaign trail (left); Bobby and Ethel Kennedy with nine of their kids in the 1960s (right).
Doubling down on their strategy from the primaries, the Kennedy campaign emphasized not just President Udall’s successes in office, but promised bold new initiatives and programs of the Senator’s own devising. His so-called “New Hope” initiative was modeled on Franklin Roosevelt’s Second Bill of Rights.
His proposals included: renewed investment in railroads, highways, and other infrastructure, which would help create over 1,000,000 new jobs and modernize America’s transportation networks; legislation to combat the epidemic of drug addiction and to combat the rising tides of crime and urban decay; and a better, “fairer” tax code, which would fund these new programs, balance the budget, and eventually, pay off the national debt.
The last of these was a surprising policy plank for a progressive. But Kennedy and his staff felt that they needed to get out ahead of the Reagan’s campaign’s inevitable attack on him as a “tax and spend” liberal. By advocating for closing tax loopholes and expanding the tax base, as well as “sensible deregulation” on small businesses and certain, select industries, Kennedy could look like a modernizer, and a reasonable alternative to Reagan’s conservatism. In a moment of his own wit at a campaign rally in St. Louis, Missouri, Kennedy declared, “Our opponent calls me a ‘tax and spend liberal’. This is to draw attention away from the fact that he is a ‘slash and burn conservative’.” The phrase “slash and burn conservative” would be replayed over and over again in ads up and down the ballot in 1980, and would come to define for many Reagan's brand of austerity politics.
Kennedy’s campaign also centered on the theme of experience.
From the Cuban Missile Crisis to Vietnam, Bob Kennedy was intimately involved with some of the most delicate foreign policy situations in American history. He helped advise his brother to make decisions that, in Kennedy’s opinion, had been vindicated as the correct ones over the past twelve years. Kennedy agreed that the Cold War was heating up once more. And though he would “fight tirelessly for peace; to find areas of agreement, however limited, between ourselves and the communist world”, he would also “pay any price to keep America safe”. Though his foreign policy views had grown considerably more dovish since his early days working as a junior counsel under Joe McCarthy in the 1950s, RFK played up his toughness and emphasized his reputation as a ruthless bastard. His running mate, Vice President Lloyd Bentsen summed up their views on Reagan’s potential for foreign policy by calling Reagan “all bark and no bite”.
Still, Kennedy had to carry on a delicate balancing act.
Despite the extremism of some of his beliefs, Reagan was well-liked and relatively popular. If RFK went too hard on the attack, he risked coming off as bitter and divisive. Some Republican operatives, namely Roger Stone, Lee Atwater, and Paul Manafort, recent signings from Richard Nixon’s longshot primary campaign, hoped to take advantage of this fact. They dug up the old “Prince Bobby” label, and portrayed him as a petulant child of privilege, a spoiled rich kid who felt “entitled” to the presidency.
In one infamous campaign ad, an animated caricature of Kennedy was portrayed as a small boy wearing a sailor suit, pulling at a man’s (presumably JFK)’s pant-legs whining “It’s my turn! It’s my turn!” The ad ended with the man shrugging, handing “Prince Bobby” a briefcase (supposed to represent the “nuclear football”) and a close-up of the boy’s wild-eyed, seemingly reckless grin.
Above: A still from “Prince Bobby”, an infamous Reagan campaign ad in 1980 (left); a Reagan campaign poster (right).
In contrast, Reagan appeared in ads at his California ranch, or touring his hometown of Tampico, Illinois, dressed in blue jeans, cowboy hats, and denim jackets. He emphasized his working class roots, and told stories of his family’s deprivation during the Great Depression. He wanted voters to know that he “understood” hardship. “Unlike my opponent, I’ve experienced it personally.”
Reagan promised a restoration of the nation's military strength, at the same time 60% of Americans polled felt defense spending was too low. He also promised an end to "trust me government" and to restore economic health by implementing a supply-side economic policy. He promised a balanced budget within three years (which he said would be "the beginning of the end of inflation"), accompanied by a 30% reduction in tax rates over those same years.
With respect to the economy, Reagan famously said, "A recession is when your neighbor loses his job. Depression is when you lose yours. Recovery is when the Democrats lose theirs.”
In August, after the Republican National Convention, Reagan gave a campaign speech at the annual Neshoba County Fair on the outskirts of Philadelphia, Mississippi, where three civil rights workers were murdered in 1964. He was the first presidential candidate ever to campaign at the fair. Reagan famously announced, "Programs like education and others should be turned back to the states and local communities with the tax sources to fund them. I believe in states' rights. I believe in people doing as much as they can at the community level and the private level."
Reagan also stated, "I believe we have distorted the balance of our government today by giving powers that were never intended to be given in the Constitution to that federal establishment." He went on to promise to "restore to states and local governments the power that properly belongs to them."
Senator Kennedy criticized Reagan for injecting "hate and racism" by the "rebirth of code words like 'states' rights'". Another word for these “code words” is “dog whistle”.
Two days later, Reagan appeared at the Urban League convention in New York, where he said, "I am committed to the protection and enforcement of the civil rights of black Americans. This commitment is interwoven into every phase of the plans I will propose."
Despite the attempt at saving face, Reagan had done real damage to his own campaign with his claim of supporting “state’s rights”. Given Senator Kennedy’s very personal role in the fight for civil rights during the 1960s and since, Reagan’s words sounded backward and reactionary to most voters outside of the South. Then again, there were many Americans who were disappointed that the election seemed to be descending even further into the mud.
For some, it seemed that the only party focused on the issues was a new, third-party.
…
Above: Rep. John B. Anderson of Illinois, presidential nominee of the newly founded National Unity Party
While Bob Kennedy and Ronald Reagan argued from opposite ends of the political spectrum about how best to solve the challenges facing America, standing between them, smack dab near the center of the political spectrum, was John B. Anderson.
Formerly a Republican congressman from Illinois, Anderson, a moderate-to-liberal Republican, had initially sought the GOP’s nomination in 1980 in a longshot bid to replicate Mo Udall’s path to the Democratic nomination four years earlier. Unfortunately, Anderson failed to find significant support in the Republican primary. He did, however, find a growing number of Americans put off by what they saw as the increasing “polarization” of the two major political parties. Most Americans, Anderson believed, were sensible moderates like himself, who deserved an alternative to the “starry eyed” liberal idealism of Kennedy and the “overly harsh” conservatism of Reagan. As it turns out, Anderson had something of a point.
Shortly after the two major parties held their conventions in Detroit and New York, Anderson and the National Unity Party’s chairman, former Wisconsin Governor Patrick Lucey, set up a convention of their own in Philadelphia. Returning to the cradle of American independence, and selecting a name that invoked Abraham Lincoln’s 1864 ticket of unity in times of crisis, Anderson hoped to stir patriotic fervor, and appeal to as many Americans as possible. As it happened, he found a pretty significant number of supporters.
For one thing, the choice of activist Ralph Nader as his running mate inspired liberals and progressives who maybe did not like or trust the Kennedy family or the Democratic party establishment to give National Unity a chance. It also demonstrated Anderson’s sincerity when he claimed that his would be a party for “all Americans” to “unite and solve the problems that face us”. That said, Anderson’s primary base was made up of moderate “Romney Republicans”, who were turned off by Reagan’s conservatism.
…
The first major goal of Anderson’s campaign was to get himself invited to the first presidential debate, which would be held on September 18th in Baltimore, Maryland. The League of Women Voters, who organized and hosted the debates, stated that in order for Anderson (or any candidate) to be invited, they needed to be polling at least 15% nationally.
The Reagan campaign, believing that a three-way debate between Reagan, Kennedy, and Anderson would boost Anderson's campaign, tried to push for an earlier debate featuring only Kennedy and Reagan. This plan was supported by the chairs of both the Democratic and Republican National Committees (John White and Bill Brock, respectively). The two-person debate did not materialize, however, and Reagan declined to debate alongside Anderson.
This decision backfired.
Kennedy agreed to appear alongside Anderson and the two had a cordial, lively debate about the issues of the day. By not appearing, Reagan gave the appearance that he was “disinterested” in engaging with the issues or “ducking” his opponents. The drama surrounding the whole affair gave Anderson plenty of free advertising in the form of media coverage. His poll numbers climbed slightly, almost entirely at the expense of Reagan.
The post-debate polls read the following:
Which candidate do you support for President of the United States?
Kennedy - 40%
Reagan - 37%
Anderson - 15%
Other/Unsure - 8%
Backtracking from their prior position, the Republicans now readily jumped at the chance to participate in the debate. They felt they needed the debates to reset and get their campaign back on track.
The Vice Presidential debate, held on October 2nd in Louisville, Kentucky was thus, as befitted the personalities involved, a relatively muted affair. Vice President Bentsen defended his record and President Udall’s, while praising Senator Kennedy’s plans for economic recovery. Senator Baker calmly and politely tried to moderate Reagan’s image as an extremist, and distanced himself from the “scathing” attack ads of the Atwater/Stone machine. Finally, Ralph Nader’s presence was something of a novelty. Not presently holding any elected office, he had no record to point to or to attack, besides his stated positions and his activism for automobile safety and the environment, issues on which both Bentsen and Baker agreed. The VP debate thus did little to shift the needle in the polls. It would take a commanding performance by Reagan to do that. He began to prepare.
The second Presidential debate, held on October 13th in Portland, Oregon, finally gave the American people what they’d wanted from the beginning of the race. Bob Kennedy and Ronald Reagan, on the same stage at the same time. Cue the fireworks. Unfortunately for Anderson, with Reagan now on the stage, the congressman felt a bit like a third wheel. He made the most of the time he was given, doing his best to talk about his signature policy proposal - raising gas taxes while cutting social security taxes. But he failed to make much of an impact. Instead, the major story coming out of the second debate was a line that former Vice President Reagan used on Senator Kennedy near the end of the debate. After a number of spirited back and forths on the issue of inflation, Kennedy was clearly growing frustrated. He was trying to explain how his proposals for new government-sponsored jobs programs would not exacerbate existing inflation. But after repeating himself one too many times, and letting anger slip into his tone, Reagan looked at Kennedy, leaned into the microphone and quipped, “There you go again.” He then turned to the camera and flashed a huge smile.
That was the ball-game.
Polls declared Reagan the clear winner of the second debate. He came off as charming and sharp, while Kennedy looked “beleaguered” and "bitter". The candidates’ numbers nationally shifted. Reagan seemed to be making a comeback.
Which candidate do you support for President of the United States?
Reagan - 44% (+7)
Kennedy - 38% (-2)
Anderson - 14% (-1)
Other/Unsure - 4% (-3)
Kennedy grew frustrated. He couldn’t believe that an “extremist” like Reagan was attracting so much support. He took a couple of days off of the campaign trail to visit with Jack and Jackie in Hyannis Port, before the final debate, scheduled for October 27th, in Cleveland, Ohio.
...
The Senator sat on a dock overlooking Cape Cod.
Beside him, Jack sat in his wheelchair. Both looked out at the sea. Rough. Churning. Autumn storms are frequent in New England. The sounds of the waves breaking, crashing against the rocky shore was strangely calming. How many times had they sat on this very spot, since they were boys? They were old men now. Especially Jack. His hair had gone snow white. His skin was lined and wan.
A short distance off behind them, their respective Secret Service details waited patiently by the house. The Senator had a speech scheduled for the following day in Dallas, Texas. It was looking to be a swing state, and a crucial one once again. The two brothers remembered well what happened in Dallas, back in ‘63. It had been almost seventeen years since then. Still, Bobby couldn’t shake the sense of foreboding he felt about this upcoming trip. He feared that he’d already lost the election.
“Jack,” Bobby said, breaking the silence. “This thing is slipping away from me. I’ve let you down. I’m sorry.”
“Don’t apologize.” Jack answered, softly.
Bobby looked up to find Jack’s eyes, still bright, still sharp, gray-green, staring into his.
“Get it back.”
Bobby sighed.
“And how am I supposed to do that? Didn’t you see me on TV? I looked lost up there. Worse than Nixon sweating when he faced you!”
“How did Washington and his shivering army survive at Valley Forge?” Jack asked. “How did Lincoln manage to hold it together, even as he knew he was sending thousands upon thousands of young men off to die against their fellow Americans? How did we take Normandy Beach, or Okinawa during the War?”
His eyes hardened.
“They persevered. We persevered. Come on, Bobby. You’ve faced worse than Ronald fucking Reagan.”
Jack’s voice, which had once asked Americans to ask not what their country could do for them, which had declared “
Ich bin ein Berliner”, was hoarse and rasped with age. But it did not falter. Did not waver.
“This last debate is on foreign policy, isn’t it?”
Bobby nodded.
“You think he has a better grasp of geopolitics than you?”
“No.”
“Of course not.” Jack agreed. “So go out there, and prove it.”
He reached out, his face stricken with a grimace from the effort, and put his arm around his younger brother.
“You won’t like to hear this, but you’re a better man than me, Bobby. I mean it. It took me getting shot and losing two kids for me to realize how lucky I was. How good I had it with Jackie. You never needed that. You’re a good man. You’ve got a gigantic heart. And you’re smart, kid. Wicked smart. You work harder than I did. Push yourself harder. Hold on. You’ll win.”
Bobby felt his eyes moisten. He shook his head. He didn’t feel he could cry in front of Jack. Even now. He had to be strong. Had to be tough. He gave his brother a hug, thanked him, and stood to go.
“Bobby,” Jack called after him.
The Senator turned.
“Consider what stuff history is made of, — that for the most part it is merely a story agreed on by posterity.” Jack quoted Thoreau’s
Cape Cod. “When they write our story, you’ll be the hero.”
That was the nicest thing that Bobby Kennedy had ever heard. His brother, whom he had idolized since they were little kids, had given him the most ringing endorsement of his life.
Alright, Ron. Bob Kennedy thought as he departed the family compound.
Do your worst.
…
The third and final Presidential debate of 1980 was indeed held on October 27th, in Cleveland, Ohio. Because his support had dipped to only about 12% nationally, Anderson was not invited to participate. This decision by the League of Women Voters was controversial, but there was ultimately little that the National Unity Party could do. Anderson and Nader bought airtime the night before and hosted an hour-long “town hall” with prospective voters. Perhaps the next best thing.
With the election only a week away, both campaigns were eager to make one final push toward the finish line. Tom Brokow of NBC news served as moderator. The questions, which largely focused on defense and foreign policy issues, started off with the proverbial elephant in the room. How would each candidate approach relations with the communist world, including the People’s Republic of China and the Soviet Union?
From the starting gun, no doubt inspired by his brother’s words, RFK shined while Reagan stumbled. Reagan made a number of gaffes, including claiming that Latin America was presently under “Soviet Domination”. When Senator Kennedy pressed Reagan to explain specifically what he meant by that, Reagan sputtered. Kennedy then brought up his own experiences as Secretary of Defense in his brother’s administration, and claimed that he was the only candidate who had the “necessary experience” to protect American interests and defend human rights abroad. While Reagan seemed to rant and rave about “Soviet encroachment on the Republic of Vietnam”, Kennedy appeared clear-headed and presidential. He even outlined his own corollary to his brother’s famous “Kennedy Doctrine”: any nation around the world, whose government was toppled or in any way unduly influenced by communist aggression, would be defended by the United States. The audience applauded. Reagan seemed gobsmacked. His entire route of attack against his opponent relied on calling Kennedy “soft on communism”, and harkening back to the 1950s, the days of containment and domino theory. As Kennedy spoke, it crumbled before Reagan's eyes.
“The foreign policy of the first Kennedy Administration disproved those old ideas.” Senator Kennedy claimed. “The foreign policy of the second will move us forward, into the future.”
Kennedy easily won the final debate. And with news that the government of Poland had chosen to recognize the Solidarity party, a major win for liberal democracy in that country, voters felt far more inclined to trust the Cold War to Bobby Kennedy than to Ronald Reagan.
On Tuesday, November 4th, 1980, the American people went to the polls. The results would decide the direction of the country and indeed, the world for decades to come.
Popular Vote Results:
Kennedy/Bentsen - 50.8%
Reagan/Baker - 42.4%
Anderson/Nader - 5.1%
Other - 1.7%
ASSOCIATED PRESS CALLS RACE FOR KENNEDY!
DEMOCRATS MAKE GAINS IN BOTH CHAMBERS OF CONGRESS!
PRESIDENT UDALL CALLS KENNEDY TO CONGRATULATE SUCCESSOR!
Above: President-Elect Robert Kennedy and Former Vice President Ronald Reagan speak on election night. Reagan called to concede the race to Kennedy shortly after midnight.
Though the race had been too close for many Democrats’ comfort, the New Frontier coalition held. When presented with a charming, smooth-talking alternative to the post-war, liberal consensus, the American people rejected it. Instead, they embraced Bob Kennedy and his “impossible dream”. They decided to give him and the Democrats four years to see it made reality.
At his campaign headquarters at the Kennedy family home in Manhattan, Bobby was overjoyed, relief and exultation clearly written across his features. He embraced Ethel, kissed her, then prepared to appear before his throng of supporters to deliver his victory speech. First however, family friend Ken O’Donnell, who had served as Jack’s personal secretary and would now get to serve as Bobby’s Chief of Staff, ushered the now President-Elect into his office.
“Phone for you.” Kenny said.
Bobby knew who was on the other end. He took the phone.
“Hello, this is Bob Kennedy.”
“Senator,” Ronald Reagan’s voice quivered with obviously held-in emotions.
Kennedy smiled, sadly. He empathized with his opponent. He knew all too well how he would feel if he had winded up on the other end of this conversation. Just a month before, he’d truly feared that he would. He took a deep breath, sighed it out as silently as he could, and spoke from the heart.
“Vice President Reagan, it’s good to speak to you.”
“Likewise.” Reagan agreed. “I want to congratulate you on your victory. I wish you the best of luck in confronting the many, many challenges that stand before us. If there is anything that I can do for you or for our country, please, do not hesitate to ask. Your brother’s inaugural, back in 1960, I always liked that line.”
Kennedy grinned.
“Me too. Did you know he stole that from his old schoolmaster?”
There was a moment’s pause. Then, Reagan chuckled.
“I wasn’t aware. I suppose we all beg, borrow, or steal our best lines, don’t we?”
That we do. Kennedy thought, remembering his own personal motto, which he’d adapted from George Bernard Shaw:
“Some men see things as they are, and say why. I dream of things that never were, and say why not.”
Following his call with Reagan, Kennedy did indeed address his supporters. His victory speech, broadcast nationally on all the major networks, was once again filled with hope and promise for the future. It also portended the progress and prosperity that would come to define the 1980s.
…
Retrospectively, the 1980 election marked not a turning point for American politics, as some, particularly William F. Buckley and his staff at the
National Review had hoped. Instead, it represented an affirmation. The American people pledged to continue America’s commitment to liberalism, to not turning its back on the meek and the downtrodden. As Mo Udall reached out to Bob Kennedy to begin the process of transitioning power between their administrations (with the latter assembling names for his cabinet), Democrats across the nation celebrated while Republicans glowered.
Almost immediately, the party establishment, led by insiders like Bob Dole, made comparisons to Barry Goldwater’s failed attempts to win the GOP nomination back in ‘64 and ‘68. Reagan, more likable and charismatic than Goldwater, was probably the best possible spokesman for the conservative movement. And even
he had failed to defeat the Democrats and their proud, liberal champion.
Conservatives, meanwhile, raged at Anderson, whom they labeled a “traitor” who had “sunk Reagan’s campaign” in a very winnable election year. By siphoning off liberal and moderate Republicans, they claimed, Anderson’s campaign had thrown the election to Kennedy. This narrative ignored the fact that Kennedy had won a majority of the popular vote (albeit a slim one). Regardless, Anderson became
persona non grata in the Republican Party, leading him to maintain his party’s infrastructure moving forward. Narrowly re-elected to another term in the House of Representatives, Anderson began planning for how to move the National Unity Party forward as a viable alternative to the big two.
The Republican Party would do a great deal of soul-searching in the years that followed, as they prepared, once again, for four more years in the political wilderness. With Reagan bested, a new crop of “stars” would rise to dominate the party in the years that followed. These included new leaders in both houses of Congress. With House Minority Leader Gerald R. Ford (R - MI) and Minority Whip John Jacob Rhodes (R - AZ) both retiring, they would need to be replaced, after all. Ultimately, young guns Jack Kemp (R - NY) and Dick Cheney (R - WY) would be elected to succeed them, respectively. In the Senate, Howard Baker (R - TN) remained as minority leader. He was now joined by Donald Rumsfeld (R - IL) as whip. Brash, outspoken, and known for his charm and wit, Rumsfeld managed to win another Senate term by the skin of his teeth in 1980, even as his state went to Bob Kennedy. Seen as a Swing State-friendly Republican with charisma and flair (and with no lesser a mentor than Richard Nixon), Rumsfeld became, certainly, a name to follow in GOP politics...
Above: Rep. Jack Kemp (R - NY), Rep. Dick Cheney (R - WY), and
Senator Donald Rumsfeld (R - IL), faces of the “New” Post-1980 Republican Party
Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: 1980 Down-Ballot Races
