Nobunaga’s Ambition Realized: Dawn of a New Rising Sun

Chapter 22: Oda Nobutada’s Rule and Administration

Chapter 22: Oda Nobutada’s Rule and Administration


The 8 year transition of power away from the aging Nobunaga to Nobutada had finally concluded, and the latter finally took sole control over the realm at the hearty age of 44. Nobutada, on top of this 8 year experience, had governed Owari and Mino provinces as Nobunaga’s deputy for 17 years, participated in government as a member of the Sangi-shu for 9, and led multiple military campaigns, including the one that ultimately annihilated the Takeda clan. As such, he was a capable administrator who successfully sought to maintain political balance and minimize corruption in his appointments and decisions. Lacking any overriding political agenda or vision, however, Nobutada would focus on strengthening and building upon the gains and strides made by his father.

The immediate aftermath of Nobunaga’s death coincided with a turnover of many key figures and their replacement with rising stars. Just months after Nobunaga’s passing, Kuki Yoshitaka, the progenitor of Japanese naval prowess as the first magistrate of the Azuchi navy, died, with Horiuchi Ujiyoshi succeeding him. Ujiyoshi would subsequently be appointed to the Sangi-shu the following year after the passing of Maeda Geni who by that point had become the most influential member of the government aside from Nobutada himself. In the same year, Shimazu Yoshihisa retired from the government, although he would continue to play an important role in Shimazu clan affairs until his death in 1611 at the age of 78. Succeeding him was Nagahisa, whose political ambition and existing influence was immediately felt as he would in time become a major proponent of a pro-Dutch, anti-Jesuit expansionist foreign policy.​

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Portrait of Shimazu Nagahisa​

Finally, Oda Nobutaka in Bireitou died of malaria at just 27 in 1603. This time, Nobutada would send his second son to Bireitou as Nobutaka’s successor, having him change his name from Tadanaga (織田忠長) to Tadataka (織田忠高). This 22 year old, unlike his two predecessors, would live much longer and leave his own mark on Bireitou and Japanese history itself over the next few decades.

The first thing Nobutada did was demand personal tribute and homage from every single daimyo in the realm, including important samurai figures governing Oda territories on Bireitou. Among the nobility, only the reigning imperial regent, Konoe Nobutada (近衛信尹), did not also have to swear fealty to the daijo-daijin. He also led a grand funeral procession for his father in Azuchi. Through these actions, Nobutada firmly established his authority nationwide.

In the domestic sphere, Nobutada consolidated the administration and bureaucratic structure of the government, creating the gaikou-bugyo, or foreign affairs magistrate (外交奉行) and the oometsuke-shoku, or inspector-general (大目付職) along the various urban (町奉行), finance (勘定奉行), and naval (水軍奉行) magistracies. The latter reported directly to Nobutada and was responsible for supervising the activities of the various daimyo, castle lords, and direct Oda vassals, and similar positions would overtime be replicated not just in the Kamakura regional governments but in most daimyo domains. Nobutada also worked on completing the Nakasendo (中山道) from Gifu to Kozuke province, an infrastructural counterpart to the Tokaido that was initiated in the 1590s partially in response to the latter with fears of the Tokugawa holding a perpetual monopoly on trade between the Kanto and Kinki regions. Inland trade and connectivity was also a major motivator for Nobutada and many of his vassals who were disproportionately from Mino province. In 1604, plans for paving a permanent Hokurikudo (北陸道) through Echizen and Kaga (越前国, 加賀国) all the way to Echigo province also began to take shape with the urging of councilor Sakuma Morimasa.​

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Early structure of the Azuchi Daijo-fu​

In the early 1600s, despite enormous trade expansion and steady naval buildup from the previous decade, Portuguese merchants still maintained a significant monopoly on Ming goods through their outpost on Macau even with an onslaught of warfare in Southeast Asia with the Dutch due to the Ming ban on direct trade between itself and Japan. Moreover, Ming officials in Beijing started to become concerned over Japanese territorial expansion in Bireitou and rumors of Japanese designs on the Ryukyu Kingdom, part of the Chinese tributary sphere along with Joseon. To resolve these issues, in 1606 Nobutada sent Mori Naritoshi, who had become the inaugural foreign affairs magistrate, and Seki Narimasa (関成政) to Beijing and formally recognize Chinese regional hegemony as a tributary for the first time since 1404, with Emperor Wanli recognizing Nobutada as the “King of Japan” (日本国王) and the two Japanese emissaries promising not to subjugate the Ryukyu Kingdom. Unlike his father, Nobutada was not overly concerned about becoming a subordinate for practical purposes, as in practice outside of occasional diplomatic missions with gifts the realm unilaterally controlled and directed its own trade affairs and commercial interests.

This move proved to be a significant economic benefit for Japan as its merchants could trade directly with China again at the expense of Portuguese mercantile interests. Macau would lose its iron grip over Sino-Japanese good exchanges and overtime Portuguese trade power would decline considerably with this loss of revenue combined with pressure from the Dutch in Southeast Asia.

Nobutada’s third significant achievement during his role was the firm establishment of a national coinage. His father had previously ordered the minting of the Ooban (大判) ovoid gold plate as a standard gold coin for the realm back in 1588. However, Japan’s trade expansionism and burgeoning economic growth, uninhibited due to peacetime, demanded a multilayered currency that could sufficiently support increasing economic activity abroad and at home. Therefore, in 1605, two further coins were introduced: the koban (小判) [1], a mostly gold plate with some silver, and the Keicho Tsuho (慶長通宝) [2], a newly minted copper version of the longstanding mon (文) coin. To support the new currency system, new gold and silver mines were opened and operations of existing ones were increased. Nobutada’s currency additions would form the basis of Japan’s monetary system for the rest of the 17th century and helped facilitate the country’s mercantilization and economic growth.

As successful as Nobutada’s sole rulership was, unlike his father’s it would prove to be short-lived. In 1609, Nobutada succumbed to a case of pneumonia at the age of 52. His legacy, from his early days in Gifu to his years as the unquestioned chancellor of the realm, was of positive, if more incremental and moderate compared to Nobunaga’s, changes to Japan. The 29 year old Nobunori would now take over the helm as the next head of the Azuchi Daijo-fu.​

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Statue of Oda Nobutada in Azuchi
[1]: Same as the Koban established in 1601 IOTL.

[2]: The Keicho Tsuho is the Kanei Tsuho (寛永通宝) of TTL, just established much earlier
 
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With the Oda Chancellor now being recognised as "king", wouldn't the Europeans likewise take note of this novelty Japan having two "monarchs" between it and the Mikado "Pope"?
 
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Excellent chapter, many figures are now passing away, giving path to the next generation. Can't wait to see what changes and improvements Nobunori will bring about.
 
With the Oda Chancellor now being recognised as "king", wouldn't the Europeans likewise take note of this novelty Japan having two "monarchs" between it and the Mikado "Pope"?
But just like in Europe, the Emperor would be recognized defacto as a spiritual leader
 
But just like in Europe, the Emperor would be recognized defacto as a spiritual leader
Unlike the Catholic Pope however, the Japanese Mikado is still supposed to wield political power as a sovereign in a government and nobility system (the Ritsuryō-sei) whose form accorded with that of Imperial China. Being puppeted by their supposed subordinates change nothing about it even if it's considered by contemporaries as political fiction, especially with the daijo-daijin being the highest title in the civil service given under the ostensible tutelage of the Mikado, as opposed to made-up ones like the sekkan and permanent shogun.

Sooner or later, the European envoys will ask the Oda Chancellorate on what this meant and how they want to be referred to and proceed with this development.

By then, much more ink will be spilled between the nuances of the Chinese concept of the Mandate of Heaven, and how it contrasted with the Japanese ones at the permanent divinity of the Mikado Emperor helping to preserve its dynasty over the different hereditary titles' history of gekokujō.
 
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With the Oda Chancellor now being recognised as "king", wouldn't the Europeans likewise take note of this novelty Japan having two "monarchs" between it and the Mikado "Pope"?
Interesting question. It gets more complex because you still have the imperial regent/kanpaku who officially is an equal to the daijo-daijin in the new political system while with Japan's tributary status the chancellor recognizes the Ming emperor as supreme overlord. Most likely, Europe will focus on the de facto situation because there's nothing like it in the West.
 
Chapter 23: Affairs of the Wanli Emperor and His Sons

Chapter 23: Affairs of the Wanli Emperor and His Sons


Under Emperor Wanli, Ming China experienced economic and political heights, collectively referred by historians as the Wanli Restoration, not seen since the early 15th century. Administrative reforms, the crackdown on wokou pirates throughout the mid-16th century, and the rapid flow of silver from both the New World, especially from the Potosi mines, and Japan into the realm were behind the Ming Dynasty’s reviving fortunes. The latter pass through the port of Macau, leased to the Portuguese by 1557 and also the main destination of Japanese goods as the ban on Sino-Japanese trade remained in place. This economic renaissance would continue despite the Emperor’s reversal of many of the administrative reforms in the 1580s, previously pushed through by his late Senior Grand Secretary, Zhang Juzheng.

This new wealth and stability allowed Beijing to suppress and defeat several major rebellions at the end of the 16th century, most notably the Pubei rebellion along the northern frontier and the Bozhou rebellion in the Bozhou Tusi region, as well as scattered Mongol incursions. However, trouble brewed beneath the surface. A quarrel over the imperial succession broke out between the Emperor and his senior ministers as Wanli wanted to make his favorite concubine’s son, Zhu Changxun, the next emperor despite him being only his third child. In contrast, the ministers supported making his eldest son, Zhu Changluo, Wanli’s successor and adhere to the rule of primogeniture. Eventually, Emperor Wanli got his way in 1601 and Zhu Changxun officially became the Crown Prince [1].​

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Palace portrait of Emperor Wanli​

Due to this and other disputes, however, Emperor Wanli gradually began to lose interest in imperial matters at the turn of the century. This loss of interest coincided with the rise of a formidable foe in the north: Nurhaci, a Jianzhou Jurchen chieftain with a grudge against the Ming over the death of his father. He had embarked on a quest in the previous decade to subjugate the various Jurchen tribes under his leadership, even defeating a 9-tribe coalition of 30,000 in 1593 at the Battle of Gure. Despite his aggressive moves and his grudge, his reverence to the Ming especially through his consistent tributary missions earned him a few titles from Beijing, most notably the title of “dragon-tiger-general” in 1595. However, the 1601 fall of the Hada tribe and Nurhaci’s increased consolidation and centralization of the tribes under him alerted many in the imperial court. In particular, the crown prince Zhu Changxun and veteran general Li Rusong [2] urged Emperor Wanli to address the Jurchen problem.

In 1605, Li Rusong and the crown prince left Beijing with an army of 120,000 to break apart Nurhaci’s ever expanding Jurchen confederation and would rendezvous with a Joseon force of 15,000 led by the kingdom's crown prince Gwanghae. In the crown prince’s absence, an attempted coup by Consort Gong, the mother of Zhu Changluo, and several senior government officials. would take place, to be quickly stopped by the imperial guards. Consort Gong and Zhu Changluo would subsequently be executed on Wanli’s orders along with the rest of the collaborators. Back in the north, the united Joseon-Ming army of 135,000 marched towards the Jurchen capital of Hetu Ala and met Nurhaci at the Suzi river, a tributary of the bigger Hun river. Despite the speed and skill of Nurhaci’s horse archers, the Joseon-Ming’s numbers, gunpowder weapons, and generalship dealt a significant defeat on Nurhaci. Unfortunately, Li Rusong would also be mortally wounded in the battle, preventing a proper pursuit of Nurhaci’s retreating men.​

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Portrait of Li Rusong​

Despite Li Rusong’s death, the Battle of the Suzi River represented the zenith of Nurhaci’s ambitions, as the Ming were successful in prying several tribes from the Jianzhou chieftain’s grip and Nurhaci was coerced into making a heavy tribute. Nevertheless, he would continue to be a lethal and politically savvy menace on the northeastern Ming-Joseon frontier.

A victorious Zhu Changxun would return to his father in early 1606 who was still shaken by the coup. The crown prince would henceforth take greater control over the governance as his father grew even more distant from his imperial duties, being the main Ming negotiator in 1607 when Oda Nobutada’s emissaries arrived in Beijing. Thus, the Ming Dynasty was able to overcome internal and external hiccups and maintain its economic and political upswing.

[1]: IOTL, Zhu Changluo wins out in becoming the crown prince and goes on to become the Taichang Emperor. Zhu Changxun meanwhile becomes the new Prince of Fu.

[2]: Li Rusong is not ambushed by a Mongol force in the northern frontier and lives beyond 1598.​
 
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Very informative look, Ming China has managed to hold onto it's prosperity, it will hopefully ensure an stable trading partner and ally with Japan.
 
Hope there'll be reforms in Ming China so they can counter soon-to-be European influence... Also hope Japan actually keeps Formosa/Taiwan before the Ming does.
 
Hope there'll be reforms in Ming China so they can counter soon-to-be European influence... Also hope Japan actually keeps Formosa/Taiwan before the Ming does.
Tbf a Ming that goes on a bit would most likely just result in isolation due to the way Confucianism was ossified in that era and crumble to warlords.

Hopefully some of the southern Chinese states can break off.

Also no part of Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang would be Chinese unless they're super powerful, and I'd like to see how the Russians would do with Xinjiang.
 
Hope there'll be reforms in Ming China so they can counter soon-to-be European influence... Also hope Japan actually keeps Formosa/Taiwan before the Ming does.
Well, at least they have the proper opportunity to politically consolidate now under Changxun.

That said - we still don't know about China's political future after Changxun, however. Golden Age? Warlordism? Division into spheres of influence? No one can say for sure.
 
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Interesting

A surviving Ming and an early rise of Japan
I can see the Ming either breaking apart into a bunch of states orbiting this new Japan or some kind of rebellion turning it into something that can survive long term(Alt Republic of China maybe?)

The first option would be one way to fulfill "Nobunaga's ambition" if you go with that~ if not I think the later option is a good way to have a strong East Asia that makes it in one piece during the Imperialist Era

Whatever you do, Im excited to see it
Thanks for your great work
 
Interesting

A surviving Ming and an early rise of Japan
I can see the Ming either breaking apart into a bunch of states orbiting this new Japan or some kind of rebellion turning it into something that can survive long term(Alt Republic of China maybe?)

The first option would be one way to fulfill "Nobunaga's ambition" if you go with that~ if not I think the later option is a good way to have a strong East Asia that makes it in one piece during the Imperialist Era

Whatever you do, Im excited to see it
Thanks for your great work
Thank you for your support! There are definitely a lot of twists and turns in the upcoming chapters and more coverage of Asian countries as well as European powers so stay tuned! Asia overall and especially the European perception of Asia will definitely be different ITTL.
Interesting chapters so far. I’m starting to see changes in the Ming Empire, I’m wondering what’s Joseon up to
Joseon hasn't changed too much other than not being utterly devastated by the Japanese for now. The thing with Joseon is that because IOTL Joseon was ultra-isolationist beyond belief (there are scant reports on the kingdom until the 19th century) and its government was very loyal to the Ming dynasty (Qing too but the Koreans also kinda didn't recognize the Qing as a true Sino-Confucian regime and continued to base their years on the Ming Dynasty even into the 19th century), IOTL its history is heavily tied to whatever's going on with China. That being said, ITTL Joseon is much stronger because the Imjin War never happens so it'll be able to stand on its own more, and it also has to face the reality of a stronger, internationalist Japan next door and Europeans active nearby.

I'll cover Joseon more specifically in the future, the effects of an uninvaded Joseon also not neighboring a victorious Jurchen state will definitely shape the Hermit Kingdom.

Tbf a Ming that goes on a bit would most likely just result in isolation due to the way Confucianism was ossified in that era and crumble to warlords.

Hopefully some of the southern Chinese states can break off.

Also no part of Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang would be Chinese unless they're super powerful, and I'd like to see how the Russians would do with Xinjiang.

A bit far off, but oh boy when the Russians rush east that's gonna be something ITTL.
 
Chapter 24: Tyranny of the Inspector General

Chapter 24: Tyranny of the Inspector General


The position of Inspector General, or Oometsuke-shoku (大目付職), was created in 1602 to better monitor the political affairs of the various daimyo and lords across the realm and ensure that corruption was minimized, being done in the aftermath of the Ashina-Satake plot and the death of Nobunaga. To maintain independence from those it would be monitoring, the inspector-general answered directly to the Daijo-daijin.

Asano Nagamasa (浅野長政), the longtime Kyoto Shoshidai, was appointed as the first inspector general. An honest and experienced administrator, he first gained prominence after inheriting Nagahama Castle (長浜城) from his brother-in-law Hashiba Hideyoshi. As inspector general, he rigorously applied his reputable skill as well as his connection with Kyoto nobility to great effect. By the time he retired in 1606, he had helped establish the new position as an integral part of checks and balances upon samurai clans and lords.​

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Portrait of Asano Nagamasa, the first inspector-general of the Azuchi Daijo-fu​

When Nobutada died in 1609, as the next daijo-daijin, the position of inspector-general, now held by Saito Yoshioki (斎藤義興), a grandson of Saito Dousan, was significant but not overly powerful within state matters. However, the ascension of Nobunori as daijo-daijin would bring about a change in the hierarchy of political power and influence. Unlike his father, Nobunori had no experience leading any military campaigns and was surrounded by senior vassals and advisors, particularly his great uncle Oda Nobukane, in Gifu. Therefore, he would spend especially the first part of his rule significantly influenced by those around him. Quickly, the trio of Saito Yoshioki, Oda Nobukane, Yoshioki’s cousin Saito Mototada (斎藤元忠) closed ranks around the new chancellor and began to implement their own agenda.

While Nobutada oversaw the beginning of trade relations with the Dutch and Ming in 1604 and 1607 and even had limited contact with the Kingdom of Ayutthaya, many of his aides and retainers were uninterested or even hostile to further open trade facilitation, fearing unchecked foreign influence or feeling that these economic exchanges favored western Japan too greatly. Unlike the late Maeda Geni, who felt neutral towards Kirishitans, retainers like Yoshioki also harbored strong anti-Jesuit and anti-Kirishitan sentiments.

The Nobunori-yoriaishu (信則寄合衆), as the trio came to be known, started off by continuing Nobutada’s old policies, finishing up key infrastructure projects in central Japan like the Hokurikudo and Nakasendo and expanding Shinto-Buddhist patronage. Through Nobunori, they were even able to orchestrate the abdication of Emperor Go-Yozei in 1611 in favor of Prince Tsuruhito, who took the throne as Emperor Go-Mizunoo (後水尾天皇). Simultaneously, the yoriaishu began to remove officials they viewed as either rivals or too sympathetic to Europeans. The most prominent of these dismissals was of foreign affairs magistrate Mori Naritoshi, who was put under house arrest after 30 years of continuous service to the Oda clan. Even the Sangi-shu was effectively influenced by the yoriaishu, with Nobukane able to sway Kitabatake Nobuoki and Miyoshi Nobutaka as the elder of the Oda clan while expansionist voices like Shimazu Nagahisa and Date Masamune marginalized.​

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Portrait of Saito Yoshioki​

The rule of three proved to be short-lived, as Mototada and Nobukane would both pass away in 1612 and 1614 respectively. However, Yoshioki would transition a reign of influential triumvirs to a semi-dictatorship, exploiting the realmwide espionage apparatus at his disposal by dispensing favors to loyalists and threats when necessary. Notably, he invested Mototada’s son Motonobu (斎藤元信) with southern Shinano province after Mōri Hideaki (毛利秀秋) died without an heir in 1615.

He also convinced Nobunori into conducting an investigation into the Jesuits at Nagasaki in 1617. Azuchi subsequently found 6 European Jesuits and 7 Japanese missionaries, including Tensho emissary participant Julian Nakaura (中浦ジュリアン) guilty on charges of treason and conspiracy against the central government based on flimsy evidence, and they were publicly paraded around naked before being publicly tied to poles and impaled to death with spears. A small portion of the majority Catholic population rioted in response to what became known as “Martyrdom of the 13” but would be crushed by Oda troops. Although Yoshioki hoped that the pre-emptive suppression against the missionaries would lead to decreased Catholic influence and an end to any threat of foreign political intrigues, the event would only lead to long-term damaged relations and greater distrust between the realm and the Iberian powers, merchants and missionaries alike.​

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17th century Western depiction of the "Martyrdom of the 13"​

Around this time, Sakuma Morimasa would become a close ally of Yoshioki and often backed him up with the size and distribution of his and his brother’s lands, including Shibata Katsumasa (柴田勝政) and Sassa Katsuyuki (佐々勝之) [1]. His cousin, Nobuhide (佐久間信栄) was also made the magistrate of Yamaguchi, a familial recovery considering Nobuhide’s father Nobumori (佐久間信盛) was exiled from the government and had all of his lands and troops confiscated by Nobunaga in 1580.

While Saito Yoshioki's tyranny, favoritism, and brutality shocked and even angered many, others were either beneficiaries or scared into submission, fearing one of his spies lurking nearby. Yoshioki’s ultimate downfall would therefore come from a place even he could not fully control.

[1]: Katsumasa and Katsuyuki were adopted heirs of Shibata Katsuie and Sassa Narimasa respectively.​
 
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Damn. Let's hope relations with Iberian powers can be salvaged and that catholics within Japan can be free to persue their religion.
 
Isn’t that a portrait of OTL Kato Kiyomasa?

Besides that, I love the timeline so far,
wondering how this will effect the development to the Oda Japan

Yes it is. For the timeline, especially for individuals who either don’t exist or are insignificant IOTL, I’m utilizing portraits of those who are significant IOTL but are not ITTL, which includes the bulk of Hideyoshi’s retainers who remain as vassals in Harima and Tajima provinces.
 
Damn. Let's hope relations with Iberian powers can be salvaged and that catholics within Japan can be free to persue their religion.
The latter, sure, it's good for people to be able to free to pursue their preferred faith (though the same holds true for those who practice Buddhism/Shinto, of course), but the former...eh. The Iberian powers really can't be trusted at this point, their primary interest is trying to continue expanding their imperial dominion. If Japan really wants to be able to steer its own destiny and establish itself as a power in Asia, then it needs to keep Spain and Portugal at arms' length.
 
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